Posts Tagged ‘statism’

The Delusion of Government as the Economy

Monday, April 5th, 2010

Yesterday, Alistair Darling and Lord Mandelson (on Today and Sky News respectively) both used the same phrase to explain their opposition to stopping the National Insurance increase. They both said that it would “take money out of the economy”.

Let’s examine that claim.

1. On what planet is giving money back to the people and the productive sector taking money out of the economy? Even Keynesians accept that taxes take money out of the economy. If Labour really believe that fiscal stimulus can “save the world”, why aren’t they applauding this fine action to stop money leaking out of the economy? Economy comes from the Greek οἰκία, meaning house. The economy is simply every household in the country put together. Put another way, the economy is the people.

2. Moreover, National Insurance is at heart an appallingly inefficient tax on jobs. We have very high unemployment in this country, especially once you take into account all the fiddles used to massage the numbers. What Labour proposed was to make it more expensive to hire people and keep people employed. Tory policy will now save and create jobs. Each of those people who wouldn’t have a job under Labour has income, and pays income tax. Each consumes more, and pay VAT. It’s entirely possible that even the Exchequer will benefit from this.

So, what does this episode tell us about Labour?

a) They are arrogant statists who believe that the Government IS the economy. Labour’s massive expansion of the public sector has made them believe that there’s nothing else out there, or that it doesn’t matter. They are no longer New Labour, willing to tolerate economic freedom for the sake of prosperity. They are now hard left Socialists – they extol central planning, compel private companies to go along with the plan (see the banks) and view the free private sector as a non-entity.

b) They don’t trust people to make their own decisions. People make mistakes – that’s the nature of freedom – but the failures of liberty are eclipsed by the failures of government.

c) They think that people are fools, and will be taken in by a claim that makes no sense even under lefty economics

This is why I am Conservative: I believe that the route to prosperity for all who want to attain it is through a largely unencumbered private sector, with government only intervening where an additional cost to wider society exists. I believe that people spend their own money in a way that’s better for the economy than central planning. I believe in liberty. Labour does not.

Mental Health

Monday, August 17th, 2009

Committee member, token lefty, debater, hat-wearer, writer and Sharpe-fan, Ben Slingo, dispels some myths surrounding the “Obamacare” fracas.slingo

American healthcare. Oh dear. It’s all rather unedifying, both the system and the squabble about how to make ever so slightly less dysfunctional. Certainly recent evidence suggests that US psychiatric units are shutting their doors to many hundreds of needy cases.

Enjoyable as it would be merely to revel in the hysteria, it might be useful to correct some widespread misconceptions. As ever, there are faults on both sides.

1. It is not true that the American poor are denied all healthcare. The Medicare programme does provide treatment. This treatment, however, is

 a) inferior to that provided by the NHS,

b) confined largely to emergency care, excluding say consultations about worrying symptoms,

c) funded in a hugely inefficient way and

d) destined to bankrupt the system that sustains it ominously soon.

2. It is not true that the American system classically liberal or free-market oriented. Treatment is funded by insurance companies, who are in turn paid mostly by employers, who in turn offer an often very limited choice of insurance packages to their employees. The commercial relationship between patient and hospital is infinitely more tenuous than that between,consumer and supermarket. Since employers provide insurance, many American workers are unwilling to endure the disruption entailed by switching jobs, a reluctance that limits a vital condition of the free market : labour flexibility. Not only this, but precisely because the American system is privately operated many states have imposed very restrictive and expensive regulations on insurance companies and hospitals.

3. It is not true that simply because several doctors and nurses were very courteous to your ailing grandmother the NHS is a healthcare system of unrivalled quality that deserves its own religious cult (which should perhaps forthwith be declared blessed)

4. It is not true that ‘Obamacare’ would impose an NHS-style system in the States. First of all ‘Obamacare’ itself is a fanciful notion as the President has (unwisely) entrusted the plan to the Democrats in Congress. Something vaguely resembling American NHS may appeal to Mr. Obama and other liberal Democrats, but they are not reckless enough to propose it given its
likely reception.

5. It is not true that ‘Obamacare’ would sanction state-funded abortions (though I would imagine that some insurance premia
are already inflated by the cost of abortion). One might also note that tax revenue is most certainly spent on enforcing the death penalty, something equally repugnant to the Holy Apostolic Church.

6. It is not true that the very large discrepancy between levels of health spending in America (16 per cent of GDP) and western Europe (10-12 per cent) is entirely squandered. The very best American care is truly superb and surpasses that available on
the NHS. This care would not necessarily be threatened by ‘Obamacare’, though a government-backed insurance company would damage some of its private competitors.

7. It is not true that ‘Obamacare’ envisages death panels that would exterminate the Palin family. I decline to speculate on
whether this myth has been peddled by pro- or anti-Obama partisans.

-Ben Slingo

U.S. Bishops must NOT back Obama

Sunday, August 16th, 2009

http://www.thetablet.co.uk/article/13499

In today’s issue of The Tablet (the international Catholic weekly Founded 1840 – Britain’s oldest journal bar The Spectator), that publication’s characteristically hysterical Obamamania has been taken beyond all moral acceptability, orthodoxy, or any pretence of Catholic sensibility. This time its about healthcare, or “Obamacare”. I shall elucidate.

On political issues the Catholic Church has always been a bit split; prior to the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) the Church mainly focused on critiquing liberalism, secularism, “Modernism” (a sceptical and anti-authoritarian outlook), socialism, Communism, in the 19th Century democracy itself, sexual liberalism, divorce and all the traditional thorny medical ethical issues – abortion, euthanasia, artificial contraception, etc. However, since Vatican II there has been an increasing focus on social issues, including “social justice”, workers’ rights, the evils of excessive capitalism, and re-focusing economics in such a manner that the human being is seen as the end rather than merely the means of economic activity. Laudable moral intentions, for sure, but often displaying a lack of awareness of how economics really works. How do we MAKE people care about each other? The answer to this is pretty unclear, other than everyone becoming Christians and being charitable towards one another voluntarily.

However, The Tablet chooses to interpret these moral imperatives solely according to a narrow, statist understanding. This is certainly a long way from Pius IX’s 1846 pronouncement that socialism is “a pest”, and reflects an uninformed and naive outlook. Having championed Obama during his election campaign, the (highly unorthodox) editorial of The Tablet  has proudly asserted from on high that “U.S. Bishops must back Obama.” The argument presented is dangerous and wrong – that the Church in America ought to shelve its problems with state-sanctioned abortion (in the Church’s view mass state infanticide) and all the other areas where monolithic healthcare systems, such as the NHS, trample over traditioanl Christian moral values, in order to pursue the “general principle of the common good”. In contrast to this “common good” of public healthcare, the issue of abortion is passed off as a “specifically Catholic issue”, and the editor attacks the Bishops for failing to “put the promotion of social justice above their churchly priorities.” Sorry, one issue, that of the moral imperative to heal the sick, cannot be so warmly lauded as “social justice” while an equally important imperative – not to kill the unborn – is given the mere rhetorical status of “their own churchly priorities”. This is unfair, un-Catholic, cheap and incredibly one-sided, and a Catholic publication ought to know better.

Furthermore, The Tablet presents the Obamacare issue as solely one of a distinction between people either having healthcare or not – it’s either given to them graciously from Their Lord Barack or denied them by greedy capitalists, apparently the “robber barons” of our age. The subtleties of the difficulties of state funding, the inefficiencies and abuses generated by a universal “free-at-the-point-of-use” principle, as weighed against the evil of people not having healthcare, are dealt with using one sweeping, blunt conclusion: the state must provide universal care, so saith the Lord, and the Bishops are obligated to pressure for this. All else, even the rights of the unborn, are secondary.

Even if one accepts that Church teaching on imperatives to heal the sick must translate directly into state-run healthcare (a highly contentious assumption), one must surely accept that this is less clear and more tenuous than Church teaching on abortion, which is thoroughly clear-cut. What’s more, the Church must fight the battle of attitudes: we in the West generally do not see any intrinsic evils in state healthcare, but are morally apathetic about abortion – the Bishops must draw a line in the sand and defend it, because once Obamacare is accepted in principle it is only a small step further to sanction state-funded abortion en masse. Even if you personally agree with abortion, or believe in the right to decide for oneself whether it is acceptable, then surely on the latter principle one must oppose the confiscation of taxpayers’ money to spend by the state on abortion “services” against the will of many of the taxpayers? Opposition to abortion in the US is widespread and many will be outraged to see their money spent in this way. The Bishops are entirely right to focus on this issue and the need to keep abortion out of the state system. This is not a “mistake” and The Tablet, if it makes any claim to retain the name of a Catholic weekly, ought to be ashamed of itself.

And another thing…

Sunday, April 5th, 2009

cartoon

When will the government stop transferring wealth from the the poor to the rich? The hundreds of billions for bailing out banks or “stimulating” the economy are far more significant than the millions claimed by MPs. Whether the money comes from taxation, borrowing (deferred taxation), or inflation (taxation by stealth), it is theft from the poor. The poor are the only people who face marginal tax rates of 70%, 80%, 90%, 100%, 110%. This must stop.

The main assumption behind which the Enemy Class justifies its looting of the taxpayers is that any cuts in public spending must fall on the welfare budget. Of course, it is a false assumption…”

Creditcrunchy by Fergus McGhee

Friday, April 3rd, 2009

Creditcrunchy

A Cautionary Tale

~

Behold the Crunch of Credit!
That alliterative beast
Which skulks along Threadneedle Street
With violent caprice;
Which darkens every board room door,
And prowls about the trading floor,
Devouring Christmas bonuses;
Disturbing fiscal peace.

Beware the Crunch of Credit!
The debt that bites, the risks that catch!
Defaults of every size and sort
He’ll frumiously despatch!

Observe the Crunch of Credit
And his wicked weaponry.
The stocks have crashed, the LIBOR soars,
¡Negative equity!

Survey the Crunch of Credit:
How he slithers, how he writhes,
How he toppled with one subprime swipe
The fated Rock, the mighty Bear,
Brought low the Brothers Lehman,
Made the Scottish banks despair!

Perceive the Crunch of Credit,
And detect his subtle powers:
How he raised from rank obscurity
That mercurial Peston of ours.
Admire the bard’s concise adage
And prescience so stellar:
“The nature of bad news,” he wrote in truth,
“Infects the teller!”

And banks, in their lividity,
Sent copious liquidity
Careering through pecuniary pipelines.
Recapitalisation was on all the experts’ lips,
While the name of Keynes was whispered in the streets.
And so we took the plunge
And bailed them out, the bungling banks.
Each mortgage-backed security
We bought hold-to-maturity,
And now we must all hold on to our seats.

Eheu!
The Crunch of Credit
Hath another victim slain.
Just as we mourned the passing
Of the noble Woolworths chain
The news arrived of worse to come –
GM and Chrysler are undone!

Across that vast new continent
Exhausted cries of woe accrue;
Their answer is a distant, but distinct,
Bavarian “Juhu!”
And yet they have their problems too:
The market shrank, the Euro flew
As the glorious pound became less sound;
O what were we to do?

St Gordon took his sword in hand:
All boom and bust he’d soon disband.
Long time his manxome foe he sought –
So rested he by his brooding tree
And stood awhile in thought.

And as in dithering thought he stood,
The Credit Crunch, with eyes of flame,
Came whiffing through that tulgey wood,
And burbled as it came!

A spending spree, slashed V.A.T.
The fiscal blade went snicker-snack!
And though the sword was double-edged
It didn’t hold him back.

And at Westminster’s Palace
He arrived in prudent pomp,
And took to the despatch box
With a clunking-fisted thomp.

“Fear not,” said he (for mighty dread
Had seized their troubled minds);
“Glad tidings of great joy I bring
To you and all mankind.”

A silence grasped the chamber,
Every member was in thrall…
“For I have slain the Credit Crunch
And saved the world withal!”

And hast thou slain the Credit Crunch?
Come to my arms, my beamish boy!
O frabjous day! Callooh! Callay!
The Dow Jones shall be up today!

What forces dark could explicate
These grand felicitations?
A Faustian pact, no less,
Bought with our future generations.

It was now clear the Saint had been
Trained in the School of Madoff,
And all men of good sense agree
It’s time that he was laid off.

But Gordon is not all to blame;
Some people bear a greater shame.
The problem, if you care to see,
Was monetary policy.

Who spawned the Crunch of Credit?
That ‘twas bankers still persists.
All true, but don’t forget
The scholarly economists.

The money in supply, M4 –
as it’s known in the trade –
Approximately doubled over that
Debtors’ decade.

The learned persons thus assembled
Knew this and lamented;
And yet, instead of raising rates
Accordingly, relented.
And as night follows day
They had unwittingly consented
To preconditioning
This boom and bust unprecedented.

But how now learned friends?
What weaponry are you possessed of?
Alchemical de-squeezing
Such as “quantitative easing”?
The Crunch of Credit scoffs
And, Calibanically gleaming,
Jeers, “Who are these pretenders
With their gyring, gimbling scheming?”

And lo! so sudden from the sky
A voice was heard to prophesy,
“Hark, ye mimsy banks!
Hark ye, thou uffish Premier!
Hearken all who hear the call
Of downturns and despair!
The reckless beast cannot be maimed
With instruments of recklessness.
No victory can yet be claimed
While mired in such a fecklessness.”

And choirs celestial sang the strain
Which plumbed the very azure main:
The words of our absolving shrift,
The ancient liturgy of thrift:
“Sumptus censum ne superet!”
Repeat it, pray, lest we forget:
“Sumptus censum ne superet!”

The Hellenistic world agreed:
“????? ????” they decreed.
And in the plain vernacular,
Micawber took the lead.

Yet howsoever it may be said,
How loud, how slow, how clearly read,
Let each without exception
Brand its meaning on his head.

And then, just when
We can say Amen!
To being in the black,
We’ll go anew galumphing
To spend what we don’t lack.

~

(with grateful acknowledgements to Mr Lewis Carroll)

Bias in TCS 3

Thursday, January 29th, 2009

Third of 8 weekly articles documenting bias in “The Cambridge Student”: Lent 2009 Issue 3.

TCS’s statist bias is well known. This week, an article on government funding for universities was entitled “Give with one hand, take with the other”, despite there being no taking from universities involved whatsoever. The sub-title was “£700 million extra investment criticised as too little” (!). The “take with the other” referred to a reduction in student grant funding. Of course, the government aren’t “taking” anything, merely giving less of other people’s money than they previously were.

The £700 million increase to £7.8 billion next year is an almost 10% rise on £7.1 billion this year. However, the article claims the increase “barely accounts for inflation”! Well, we know that the government are inflating the currency at ludicrous rates, but the official CPI measures inflation at only 3.1%, down from 4.1% in November. Even if the actual rate was double that, a 10% rise in spending is still a huge increase in real terms.

TCS seems to think that it would be wrong to maintain government spending at present levels – it must increase, perpetually! Obviously government spending on universities as a proportion of national output can’t increase forever, otherwise eventually we’d be spending everything on universities, and nothing on anything else! They really haven’t thought this through.

On page 13, there was a comment piece on the just-ended “occupation” of the Law Faculty by some nutters.

“Last Friday at around 7pm a small group of protestors [sic] entered the law faculty and refused to leave. Like so many student protests in Cambridge, this could have ended with issuing an obligatory and unrealistic list of demands to the university, a photo-shoot with the student media and then… nothing. Everyone goes home because, hey, they’ve got an essay in for Monday. Except this time something was different.”

Oh really? It seems to me that the protest fits those criteria perfectly: unrealistic demands like “We demand that Cambridge University issue a statement which condemns Israel’s action in Gaza” and “We demand that Cambridge University grant a minimum of ten scholarships to Palestinian students every year”; a photo-shoot with the student media, and now everyone’s gone home, accomplishing nothing. “This is the largest, most protracted protest of 21st century Cambridge”. Well, that wasn’t particularly hard: they accomplished it with 30 people and six days.

The Editors “feel there is much to be praised” in the actions of these trespassers. They found them “sleep-deprived, hungry, but undaunted. It takes organisation, guts and conviction to spend your weekend – and much of your week – in a cold, dull building, potentially to the detriment of your degree. The Cambridge Student admires the protesters for their dedication to politics and their own ideals”.

What dedication to politics? These people weren’t engaging in politics, but blackmail. Their message was, give in to our demands or we will not leave. Good on the university for turfing them out.

On page 15 there’s an interview with John Prescott. Uninformative tosh. Says Prescott: “having produced the most sustained growth of any European economy, we [had it] undermined by greedy bankers and financial institutions”. Labour produced sustained economic growth? Well, Tony Blair thinks it was luck! Any real economic growth was hindered by Labour’s policies, and most of it was fake growth caused by too low interest rates. The interviewer doesn’t call Prescott up on this. Maybe it’s because the interviewer didn’t want to interrupt the flow of the interview? Or maybe it’s because the interviewer was Pete Jefferys, Secretary of the Labour Club!

Excellent article about education vouchers on on page 12 though: “if schools select on academic aptitude, they will draw from an eclectic mix of different backgrounds, which is far favourable to the current system where your geographical location, or your level of economic privilege, usually determines which school you attend.” Quite right.

Abolish the Bank of England

Friday, November 14th, 2008

I have an article in this week’s “Varsity Debate”.

The title was “Should the Bank of England have cut the interest rate? Last week, in desperate bid to protect the UK economy from a severe recession, the Bank of England announced its decision to slash interest rates to their lowest level in 50 years.”

I argue that “The decision should not be up to the Bank of England; it should be up to us”, and that the rate should be higher, not lower, because the natural rate would be higher. As Jock Bruce-Gardyne said, “There is no economic problem that cannot be solved by a stiff rise in interest rates”.

The problem with a government set interest rate is that it disconnects the ratio between investment & consumption, and people’s true time preferences. When the government sets any price, they disconnect the relationship between demand and supply. If a price is set above the market equilibrium, more people supply the good, but fewer people demand it, creating a surplus (and an illegal “black market” selling the good at the true price). If a price is set below the market equilibrium, more people demand it, but fewer people supply it, creating a shortage. The only situation when the same amount is produced as is demanded, is when the price is allowed to be set by the market. That is the only way resources can be allocated efficiently. And this applies not just to markets for food, or furniture, but to markets for currency and for credit. An interest rate is a price like any other.

A government interest rate disconnects the relationship between investors and savers. However, a low government interest rate does not create a shortage of capital, because not only does the govenment set the price, it enters the market as a lender, and it controls the currency. The low rate means that far fewer people save for the future, but investors can still borrow even more money because the government provides it instead of the savers.

Here’s the complete version:

The interest rate is the price people demand for postponing consumption. If you would give up ten apples now for eleven next year, your interest rate is 10%. A free market will naturally find an equilibrium interest rate. If you would be willing to lend at lower than the market rate, you can lend at the market rate and make a profit. If you are only willing to lend at above the natural rate, no one will borrow from you.

Why can the government lend at below the natural rate? Anyone else who lends their money at below the natural rate will have no shortage of customers looking for a bargain, and will soon have lent all their money. And anyone lending at below the natural rate of interest is making a loss, so no one does it. No one, that is, except the government. The government cannot run out of money, because it can print it. And while an ordinary lender lending at below the natural rate will not have much effect on it, the government can affect it simply because so much of the money in the economy is on loan from the government.

The current interest rate is lower than it would be in a free market. Why does the government lend at below the natural rate? Why does it want to distort the interest rate? A low interest rate encourages more spending now. It is in essence a Keynesian policy, and shares his deep contempt for savings and thrift, because a low interest rate discourages saving and planning for the long term. After all, “in the long run, we are all dead”, so why bother to plan ahead?

Just as spending by the government will cause a short-term boom, cheap lending by the government will encourage more private spending and cause a short-term boom. Most investment is funded by borrowing, and so the more money there is available, the more investments that will be made. The extra investments enabled by extra government money would not be made in a free market: they are the riskiest investments. Government intervention destroys the natural equilibrium between savers and borrowers, causing malinvestment, followed ultimately by correcting recessions when unprofitable investments are liquidated, freeing up capital for new investment.

Make no mistake: this recession is temporary. It is an inevitable correction to bad investments encouraged by government intervention. Long-term economic growth caused by technology will not stop, but the short-term economic growth caused by cheap money must stop eventually.
Further government action, including dropping the interest rate and the resulting inflation from this expansion of the money supply, might stave off recession temporarily, but it cannot stop it forever, and will make it worse. Further government action might be justified to allay the suffering caused by previous government action, though, of course, it would have been better if the economy had been allowed to grow more slowly in the first place, so it didn’t have to recede now. But shock tactics are best: abolish the Bank of England and go straight to a market interest rate. In the long run, we’ll all be better off.

Gordon Brown was recently asked if he regretted his boast, “No more boom and bust”. He replied, “I actually said, ‘No more Tory boom and bust’”. He did indeed say this, once, so he’s not lying. But, of course, he said it without the “Tory” on many occasions. The implication is that Labour boom and bust is fine. This is the kind of drivel Brown is now reduced to spouting.

Brown is often lauded for removing government interest rate from control by politicians and handing it to the Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee. This has certainly removed the ability of governments to slash interest rates before an election, causing a boom, with the bust only following after they have been re-elected. However, when it was made independent, the Bank of England was charged with controlling inflation. This has enabled Brown to carry on spending massively while being able to absolve himself of responsibility for inflation.

The interest rate certainly shouldn’t be controlled by politicians. But neither should it be controlled by appointed “experts”. It should be controlled by us. Then it will reflect people’s true time preferences, enabling us to allocate resources efficiently. To prevent politicians for meddling again in the future, we should abolish legal tender laws and go back to free banking, with competing currencies, so that no one will be able to get away with inflating them. In the meantime, any increase in the government rate is welcome. We need a return to a natural interest rate. We need to return to a truly free market.

Radically reforming welfare, part 1

Saturday, October 18th, 2008

In this article I consider a “madcap scheme”.

The “Poverty Trap” (also known as the “unemployment trap” or the “welfare trap”) means any situation where the costs of moving into work are greater than the increase in income, caused by means-tested benefits.

A very simplistic example would be where the government gave £5,000 to everyone with a salary below £10,000. Someone with a salary of £9,999 would receive an additional £5,000 from the government, bringing their total income to £14,999. Imagine such a person was offered a better job or position, requiring slightly longer hours, more of their skills, or more responsibility, with a salary increase of £1000. Performing such a job would increase the wealth of society. But the person would not take it. For with a salary of £10,999, they would no longer receive benefits, so their total income would be £10,999. By working more, they would decrease their income by £4,000. So of course, while in an undistorted market they could better themselves by working more, with government distortions they would have no incentive to learn new skills or get a better job.

In practice, welfare payments are distributed by the government according to a much more complicated system. Usually they are not cut off suddenly, but phased out. But means-tested welfare, i.e. welfare that depends on your circumstances, will always mean that the pay increase from working better or longer will be less than it would be in a free market. There will be less incentive to work better or longer. The poverty trap discourages people from getting off welfare and bettering themselves with their own efforts.

In extreme real cases, working can indeed reduce income in absolute terms. Chris Dillow points out:

Our existing system already subsidizes idleness. Some people prefer to stay on benefits because they’d lose these if they went out to work. Take a married couple, both out of work. One’s offered a 16-hour week job at the minimum wage. How much better off are they if they take the job? Not at all – they are about 5% worse off. Table 1.4a of this massive pdf shows.

Sure, I’ve taken an extreme example. But it’s easy to find replacement ratios for part-time jobs of over 70%. For many, then, the financial gains from working are so small that the hassle’s not worth it.

As one commenter on Peter Hitchens’ blog said,

“A safety net is exactly what social security should be – not a way of life. I would suggest, however, that with 5.4 million people languishing on out-of-work benefits, Britain’s welfare system is more ‘comfort blanket’ than ‘safety net.’”

The solution is to make benefits non-means-tested. This means giving the same welfare payments to everyone, regardless of their income. Obviously there would be exceptions for the disabled, but for ordinary people, welfare payments should be the same, whether you are unemployed or a millionaire.

That way, working an hour at a job which pays £5/hour, increases your income by £5, instead of by some amount less than £5.

What we should do is replace all social security by giving every adult in the country £5,000, cash, with no conditions. My economics teacher at school suggested this briefly as a “madcap scheme”, but this idea is actually not as mad as it seems. I believe it should gain wide acceptance. It should be acceptable to both the left and the right. For those on the left who really want to help the poor, rather than just increase their dependence on the rulers, it maintains their income but massively simplifies how they get it. It frees them having to spend a lot of time dealing with the state, and allows them to pursue a more fulfilling life doing what they want, without discouraging them from working. For those on the right, it is certainly an improvement, because it removes the disincentive to work that goes with the current welfare system.

This is a Basic Income system, which could be implemented either as a “Citizen’s dividend” or the negative income tax advocated by Milton Friedman.

I was reminded of the Basic Income idea by Charles Murray’s book “In Our Hands”.

Another commenter on Hitchens’ blog described the book thus:

“For anyone who is interested in welfare reform, can I commend the works of Charles Murray. His thesis: the state [despite its good intentions] is inevitably wasteful and inefficient. As well as morally neutral, spawning vast bureaucracies etc.etc. The solution: end all redistributive welfare INCLUDING THE NHS. Cut out government and give the money straight to the people. To receive a monthly sum, people must be: over 21, have a bank account, have a British passport, to get a monthly sum (£10,000 pa) for life. Two rules only: they MUST buy health insurance, and they must invest in a pension plan. After that, they can do whatever they like.

The human urge to do what is best for the self (denied by the left) then comes into play. Because not getting a job, getting married and having babies too young hurts, and the counterpoint pays, people will behave in ways that are constructive, not destructive.”

Chris Dillow surveys some arguments here.

James Bartholomew describes it here:

“His idea, briefly, is this: that the government should give every person US$10,000 a year in place of all welfare benefits, retirement payments and healthcare. Of this, US$3,000 would have to be used to buy health insurance.

He said he was not primarily concerned that the welfare state costs too much “though it does”, nor that it tends to make things worse “though it does” but that it “drains” the life out of people – particularly the spiritual life and sense of meaning.

He said that if his plan were introduced, behaviour would be affected. There would be ‘feedback loops’. I think he implied that a girl would be less inclined to get pregnant out of wedlock if she knew she would get no extra money from the government. She would also be able to get money from the father because his regular money from the government would be paid to a known bank account and money could be taken from it. This would, Murray suggested, affect his behaviour, too. He would be more cautious about making women pregnant.

I am struck first of all by how he admitted that this was a compromise. He said he was making an offer to the Left. They would be allowed to keep big spending – since his plan would continue big state spending. But it would be in a different form that would curtail many of the bad effects of state welfare.

Many times I have been asked, when giving talks about my book, ‘so what is the answer?’ I have always felt it is impossible to give a satisfactory answer. The ideal solution – minimal state welfare – would probably not be politically acceptable in a democracy. But reforms that would be politically acceptable would probably not be radical enough to make a ‘good society’.”

As Sean Gabb says,

“Something we should leave substantially alone is the welfare state. The main assumption behind which the present ruling class justifies its looting of the taxpayers is that any cuts in public spending must fall on the welfare budget.

Of course, it is a false assumption, but it does not help that libertarians have always made a great noise about the corrupting effects of state welfare, and that libertarian schemes of improvement always give prominence to privatising or abolishing it. This shows a failure of political understanding.

All else aside, it would be madness to give the now displaced ruling class an issue on which it might claw its way back from oblivion. It may be regrettable, but most people in England like welfare. They like the thought that if they lose their jobs, they will receive some basic support, and that if they fall ill, they will receive treatment free at the point of use. That is what is wanted, and that is what a government of reaction must continue providing.”

I disagree with Murray about health insurance. Instead I would pay some of the money into Personal Health Accounts, as described by Hannan and Carswell in “The Plan”, because these also increase the incentive to use the money wisely.

All other social security would be ended, including the minimum wage, council housing and the NHS. Hannan and Carswell explain how the transition could be made from the NHS to private healthcare. There would be no difference in income for those living in places like London where living costs are higher. As one commenter on Chris Dillow’s blog said, “If I live in an expensive area and lose my job, and can’t find a new one, I will have to move somewhere cheap. Why is it beyond the pale for an unemployed CBI-only person living in London to consider moving himself to a cheaper town or city?” Another replied sarcastically, “it is universally recognised as an affront to civilisation and all we hold dear to suggest that someone who isn’t inclined to should leave London.”

There would be no child benefit. This would remove the incentive to have children, and indeed would give an incentive not to have children. Removing child benefit normally seems harsh because it penalises the child for the decision of the parent – a child does not choose to be born. But in this case it would be okay because the family would still be guaranteed enough income to live on.

The commenter on Hitchens’ blog said,

“I asked George Osbourne about the theories of Murray. His reply: I had lunch with him last week! But there are things I don’t believe in. Translation [to me]: I don’t possess the necessary size of testicles to do it.”

Tomorrow, I’ll be considering “tradable citizenship”.

Ideological monopolies

Saturday, October 4th, 2008

Religion in general has come under a lot of criticism in recent years. It is becoming more and more common-place to claim that religion is not only misguided but the root of much evil in the world. However, it is far too simplistic to claim that it is an institutional belief in God which has caused so many of the world’s problems. Rather it is a belief in something (anything) which claims to have a have a monopoly on truth that causes most of the evil in society. As such, we should all fear it when any ideology is accepted by a society as a given.

Derived from attacks against religion, secularism has become the watch-word for state action. Lip service is still paid to the union between church and state in the British constitution, but when it comes to government action, religion must take a back seat. Indeed, it must be pulled along clinging onto the back bumper. Of course, most people do not have a problem with this. As we all know, the Bible does teach us that homosexuality is wrong, and adulteresses should be stoned to death, and implicitly that the earth is only 6,000 years old. But for society to accept uncompromisingly the default position is equally unfortunate.

An example of the default position to creationism is Darwinian evolution. Although it is ridiculous to claim that an adherence to Darwinian evolution leads inevitably to eugenics – the evolution of the emotion of self-sacrifice discredits the notion of ‘survival of the fittest’ in every case – any idea is necessarily debased for wider consumption. This is why the inaccurate belief that evolution means ‘survival of the fittest’ has gained currency. When a state accepts this position uncompromisingly, allowing simplistic generalisations to take hold, it is not ludicrous to see how it could lead to a policy of eugenics. Absolute power corrupts absolutely.

This is the problem when one idea holds a monopoly on truth in a society. If an idea is taken as read, it can be moulded to suit the will of those in power. It is now accepted in the West that democracy is absolutely right. The underlying principle behind the Iraq War for neo-conservatives was the unwavering belief that it was right to bring democracy to a country otherwise in the grips of dictatorship. It is perfectly acceptable for individuals to accept this position, but when a society’s assumption becomes a policy of its state, alternate ideas cannot be voiced. Opposition to the Iraq War was based on the idea that it was not a war that should be fought, not that it may be wrong in principle to bring democracy to a country that had never known it.

The solution is to avoid state ideology, even if it is secular or democratic. A state needs to adopt one principle over another to function (after all, the state needs a political ideology in order to form a government), but it should not adopt such an ideology as a given in the execution of policy. For example, the argument that Britain is a ‘secular country’ should not rear its ugly head in the debate on faith schools. This argument necessarily makes religion something alien to British society in principle, thereby allowing the state to take actions without recognising the alternate position. As such, the state can take unilateral action without debate: maybe there is a God; perhaps democracy is not an end in itself for every country; conceivably nationalised industries are bad. The state must not be allowed to hold a monopoly on truth.

This is not to say that individual people cannot hold monopolistic ideas. It is impossible for someone to both believe in God and at the same time not believe in God. Either they believe, do not believe, or have yet to make up their mind. But the state cannot and should not make the same judgment. Otherwise individual liberty to believe something different is trampled and cannot be debated in society.

With monopoly comes exploitation and abuse. And a good way to prevent monopoly is individualism.

“An Englishman’s home is his castle”

Friday, October 3rd, 2008
An Englishman's Home: Socialism would mean inspectors all round

An Englishman's Home

An Englishman’s home ceased to be his castle a long time ago. The state has 1000 laws allowing it to break into your home. It is not enough to streamline the law. We need wholesale repeal of much legislation.

It’s not just entering your home, though. Rafts of legislation prevent us doing what we want to or in our home,whether it’s minor building works or lighting a coal fire. The state intrudes even when you buy or sell your home.

Last year I read an article by Boris Johnson on government plans to put health warnings on alcoholic drinks.

“In all that time, no government in history has yet thought the people so moronic that they needed to be told, on the bottle, that wine could go to your head; and Flint’s proposed act of desecration is all the more shameful and baffling when you consider – in your state of agreeable post-prandial rapture – that a bottle of wine is really a thing of quiet beauty.

For hundreds of years, the play of light on the glass and the liquid has entranced the eye of our greatest painters, from Caravaggio to Manet. Think of all those bottles twinkling away behind the bar girl in the Folies-Bergeres; think of that Van Gogh still life – the bottle, the bread, the cheese.”

No one would possibly argue that we need the state because without it we wouldn’t have these warnings. They are philistinistic: a bottle of wine should indeed be a thing of beauty, not a reminder of the power the government has over the minutiae our lives.

But worse, it represents an intrusion of the government into an Englishman’s home. My home is largely free of the government. I do not want government icons looking down at me from my drinks cupboard.

“Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country for ever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913-14, or rather less than 8 per cent. of the national income. The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries, from working excessive hours. The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.

All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman’s food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over it citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.”

A. J. P. Taylor, English History 1914-1945 (1965)