Posts Tagged ‘socialism’

The Delusion of Government as the Economy

Monday, April 5th, 2010

Yesterday, Alistair Darling and Lord Mandelson (on Today and Sky News respectively) both used the same phrase to explain their opposition to stopping the National Insurance increase. They both said that it would “take money out of the economy”.

Let’s examine that claim.

1. On what planet is giving money back to the people and the productive sector taking money out of the economy? Even Keynesians accept that taxes take money out of the economy. If Labour really believe that fiscal stimulus can “save the world”, why aren’t they applauding this fine action to stop money leaking out of the economy? Economy comes from the Greek οἰκία, meaning house. The economy is simply every household in the country put together. Put another way, the economy is the people.

2. Moreover, National Insurance is at heart an appallingly inefficient tax on jobs. We have very high unemployment in this country, especially once you take into account all the fiddles used to massage the numbers. What Labour proposed was to make it more expensive to hire people and keep people employed. Tory policy will now save and create jobs. Each of those people who wouldn’t have a job under Labour has income, and pays income tax. Each consumes more, and pay VAT. It’s entirely possible that even the Exchequer will benefit from this.

So, what does this episode tell us about Labour?

a) They are arrogant statists who believe that the Government IS the economy. Labour’s massive expansion of the public sector has made them believe that there’s nothing else out there, or that it doesn’t matter. They are no longer New Labour, willing to tolerate economic freedom for the sake of prosperity. They are now hard left Socialists – they extol central planning, compel private companies to go along with the plan (see the banks) and view the free private sector as a non-entity.

b) They don’t trust people to make their own decisions. People make mistakes – that’s the nature of freedom – but the failures of liberty are eclipsed by the failures of government.

c) They think that people are fools, and will be taken in by a claim that makes no sense even under lefty economics

This is why I am Conservative: I believe that the route to prosperity for all who want to attain it is through a largely unencumbered private sector, with government only intervening where an additional cost to wider society exists. I believe that people spend their own money in a way that’s better for the economy than central planning. I believe in liberty. Labour does not.

U.S. Bishops must NOT back Obama

Sunday, August 16th, 2009

http://www.thetablet.co.uk/article/13499

In today’s issue of The Tablet (the international Catholic weekly Founded 1840 – Britain’s oldest journal bar The Spectator), that publication’s characteristically hysterical Obamamania has been taken beyond all moral acceptability, orthodoxy, or any pretence of Catholic sensibility. This time its about healthcare, or “Obamacare”. I shall elucidate.

On political issues the Catholic Church has always been a bit split; prior to the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) the Church mainly focused on critiquing liberalism, secularism, “Modernism” (a sceptical and anti-authoritarian outlook), socialism, Communism, in the 19th Century democracy itself, sexual liberalism, divorce and all the traditional thorny medical ethical issues – abortion, euthanasia, artificial contraception, etc. However, since Vatican II there has been an increasing focus on social issues, including “social justice”, workers’ rights, the evils of excessive capitalism, and re-focusing economics in such a manner that the human being is seen as the end rather than merely the means of economic activity. Laudable moral intentions, for sure, but often displaying a lack of awareness of how economics really works. How do we MAKE people care about each other? The answer to this is pretty unclear, other than everyone becoming Christians and being charitable towards one another voluntarily.

However, The Tablet chooses to interpret these moral imperatives solely according to a narrow, statist understanding. This is certainly a long way from Pius IX’s 1846 pronouncement that socialism is “a pest”, and reflects an uninformed and naive outlook. Having championed Obama during his election campaign, the (highly unorthodox) editorial of The Tablet  has proudly asserted from on high that “U.S. Bishops must back Obama.” The argument presented is dangerous and wrong – that the Church in America ought to shelve its problems with state-sanctioned abortion (in the Church’s view mass state infanticide) and all the other areas where monolithic healthcare systems, such as the NHS, trample over traditioanl Christian moral values, in order to pursue the “general principle of the common good”. In contrast to this “common good” of public healthcare, the issue of abortion is passed off as a “specifically Catholic issue”, and the editor attacks the Bishops for failing to “put the promotion of social justice above their churchly priorities.” Sorry, one issue, that of the moral imperative to heal the sick, cannot be so warmly lauded as “social justice” while an equally important imperative – not to kill the unborn – is given the mere rhetorical status of “their own churchly priorities”. This is unfair, un-Catholic, cheap and incredibly one-sided, and a Catholic publication ought to know better.

Furthermore, The Tablet presents the Obamacare issue as solely one of a distinction between people either having healthcare or not – it’s either given to them graciously from Their Lord Barack or denied them by greedy capitalists, apparently the “robber barons” of our age. The subtleties of the difficulties of state funding, the inefficiencies and abuses generated by a universal “free-at-the-point-of-use” principle, as weighed against the evil of people not having healthcare, are dealt with using one sweeping, blunt conclusion: the state must provide universal care, so saith the Lord, and the Bishops are obligated to pressure for this. All else, even the rights of the unborn, are secondary.

Even if one accepts that Church teaching on imperatives to heal the sick must translate directly into state-run healthcare (a highly contentious assumption), one must surely accept that this is less clear and more tenuous than Church teaching on abortion, which is thoroughly clear-cut. What’s more, the Church must fight the battle of attitudes: we in the West generally do not see any intrinsic evils in state healthcare, but are morally apathetic about abortion – the Bishops must draw a line in the sand and defend it, because once Obamacare is accepted in principle it is only a small step further to sanction state-funded abortion en masse. Even if you personally agree with abortion, or believe in the right to decide for oneself whether it is acceptable, then surely on the latter principle one must oppose the confiscation of taxpayers’ money to spend by the state on abortion “services” against the will of many of the taxpayers? Opposition to abortion in the US is widespread and many will be outraged to see their money spent in this way. The Bishops are entirely right to focus on this issue and the need to keep abortion out of the state system. This is not a “mistake” and The Tablet, if it makes any claim to retain the name of a Catholic weekly, ought to be ashamed of itself.

Easter Day Message to CUCA

Monday, April 13th, 2009

Easter Day Message: De-Bunking Weak Socialist Exegesis

I’m not going to do any work today, for obvious reasons probably minutely detailed in Canon Law somewhere. Instead, I thought I would offer, as briefly as possible, some exegetical clarifications that Christian Conservatives can make when markets and finance are attacked as immoral and enforced redistribution of wealth is advocated as a genuine response to Christ’s exhortation to charity.
What I’m going to do is to take the two most oft-referenced passages used by agoraphobes (in the etymological sense) to try and claim that Jesus opposed markets. Then I will endeavour to point out a few of the complexities of these passages, or otherwise how an anti-market understanding of them simply ignores the historical or literary context. I apologize in advance for not being able to cite the commentaries that taught me these details when I did my exegesis paper last year. Well, here goes.

1) The famous ‘render’ passage (Luke 20:21-28):
(in which Jesus is asked by Pharisees whether or not Jews ought to pay taxes to Caesar, and replies that one must ‘render unto Caesar what is his, and unto God what is His’)

This is doubly important as it is also used to attack an Augustinian opposition to big government: statists claim that obedience to the laws, whatever they are, is simply ‘rendering unto Caesar’ and so the only proper way to oppose unjust laws is to go through the rigmarole of parliamentary democracy to change laws (that is, impose Christian morality on society using government). Usually, however, it is used to argue that Christ has basically given taxation (the violent collection of money from people living within a certain territory) a Divine Command carte blanche. Its repercussions in terms of doctrine and simply theological attitudes towards government stretch and multiply throughout Thomist theory and beyond.

First, we need to ask ourselves why Jews would object paying taxes to Caesar at all. The uninformed answer is that Jews simply resented being subjected to Roman rule and may have felt that, since Caesar had simply invaded Israel, he had no claim to their loyalty or a portion of the profits of their labour. But there’s more to it than that. Crucially, the wording on a Roman denarius, the coin with Caesar’s profile on it which Jesus holds as he gives the ‘render’ statement, calls Caesar a god. It refers explicitly to the imperial cult, in which Caesar is both ‘lord’ and ‘saviour’, among other divine titles – titles that Jews used for God. For Jews in the first centuries, to use Roman money was to traffic in idolatry and by implication ought to be avoided (more on this later) yet at the same time its use was practically demanded of them under Roman rule.

So the Pharisees’ question isn’t a tricky one because it seeks to expose Jesus as being either a rebel against Roman rule or a collaborator. It is difficult to answer because it represents one outward expression of a major moral dilemma for Jews then: how to refrain from idolatry to the extent that the Law demands, while living under the rule of an empire which relies on idolatry (the imperial cult) as its cohesive force. It is true to say that Jews were exempt from the usual requirements to sacrifice to Caesar: yet Roman understanding of the Law was not so adequate that they were allowed, for example, to pay taxes in their own currency, or keep the imperial cult out of their lives in the many minor ways in which it daily infiltrated the lives of subjects of the empire. It was not the paying of taxes to an external ruler per se that Jews objected to (although they surely objected to paying too much), as can be seen by the same dilemma not arising under the other imperial powers, without imperial cults, that dominated them in the Old Testament. It was the idolatrous violations, if minor, of the rule incurred everyday by living under Roman rule. So when Jesus tells Christians to ‘render unto Caesar what is his’, how should they understand that? If Caesar is an idol then nothing can belong to him.

There is a second problem with the statist interpretation of the ‘render’ passage. The formula of ‘give to X what he/it deserves, and to God what He deserves’ is not unique here: Jesus borrows it from the Old Testament, where the meaning is occasionally explicitly ironic or hostile. In 1 Maccabees, for example, the dying Matathias, at the end of a battle, tells his brother to “pay back the Gentiles in full, and obey the commands of the Law”. So perhaps if what is Caesar’s is his use of violence and striving for temporal power, then the ‘render’ passage is really directly rebellious.
This argument, however, is not majority opinion.

Jesus’ answer to the Pharisees cannot be shown to be an injunction to pay taxes as a service to Caesar equivalent to following the Law as a service to God: Caesar’s role as idol rules out such an understanding. What Jesus’ answer did was allow him to express his dissatisfaction with Roman rule without saying something that could get him mistaken for a political rabble-rouser; and he could make the ambiguity of his answer more acceptable to those worried about the idolatrous implications of following Roman laws and customs by including a reminder that, whatever you did with your denarii, Gods Law was notwithstanding.

The radicalism of Jesus’ social message, and His admonition to turn from worldly concerns, however, extend to political life and what role we accord government. Civitas Dei would be the obvious recommended reading on that whole theme.

None of the details I draw out in this article are intended to show that the converse of the statist interpretations is true (e.g. that tax is bad or shouldn’t be paid) but rather that these interpretations don’t stand up to serious scrutiny. The ‘render’ command can’t be used to show that we are divinely enjoined to pay taxes and obey the law. Attempts to do so may entirely miss the point of the passage.

2) The expulsion of the moneychangers from the Temple (I don’t cite the passage because here the redaction between gospels is relevant)

This is not often used as a proper argument that Jesus was antipathetic towards markets: it wouldn’t hold up if used that way because the Temple-context is obviously central to the passage. Instead, it is appealed to as evidence of a general sentiment – shops make Jesus angry – which is easier to support with a string of irrelevant quotes from the sermon on the mount and so on. There’s anecdotal evidence below of the earnest, if not necessarily effective, way in which this passage is appealed to as evidence of Jesus’ broad dislike of people buying and selling things.

Among the G20 protesters there was a chap dressed up as Jesus bearing a placard with ‘throw the moneylenders out’. Firstly, he had misquoted the gospels. Secondly, I don’t understand how he thought the economy was going to recover without them. Money-lenders serve a necessary purpose in our financial system (as in pretty much any – there’s evidence that Thales bought olive fortunes).

Likewise, the money-changers in the Temple of Israel had a very important function in the Jewish sacrificial cult: Jews could offer money to the temple coffers as a sacrifice, and needed to pay for the animals they intended to sacrifice (hence the livestock salesmen: also a necessary service), but they could not do so using pagan money, stamped as it was with images of idols and bearing profane creeds. So money-changers were needed to trade foreign coinage for the domestic currency. This service became particularly important in the early first century as Jews were returning from a plethora of different nations, bearing different currencies, to sacrifice. Technically, then, there was a market-place in the Temple: but it was there because it was needed for the Temple to work in the way it always had done.

The past tense there is the key. Jesus was going to change the way that God’s people sacrificed to Him: rather than animals in one physical building in the world, the people of Israel, after the Crucifixion, were going to re-present Christ’s sacrifice in their own churches, anywhere, and it would be a complete rather than petitionary sacrifice. John’s gospel makes it explicit that Jesus’ expulsion of the money-changers and livestock salesmen from the temple was a symbol of the impending total renewal of the cultic practices of God’s people (John 2:18-21).

To understand the passage as Jesus accusing necessary cultic service-providers of being “robbers”, implying that money-changing and livestock selling did not belong at the edge of a holy place, carried to its logical conclusions, suggest that not the nature of the Temple cult but rather the extent of the providers’ profit-margins was the issue at stake. Nevertheless, the “den of robbers” accusation that finishes this pericope in Mark (11:17), Luke (19:43) and Matthew (21:13) seems pretty strong and needs consideration.

Mark 11:17: “and he was teaching, saying to them, ‘Hath it not been written — My house a house of prayer shall be called for all the nations, and ye did make it a den of robbers?’” (my italics). Note that ‘the nations’ is the equivalent term for gentiles. The prophetic-symbological interpretation, then, can be maintained here: Jesus is making the distinction between the universality of the future temple cult of the Church and the specificity of the Temple in Jerusalem which has led to its misuse (not necessarily at that very moment) in the history of Israel. So an anti-market interpretation in the Marcan pericope is not necessarily appropriate. Matthew copies Mark’s account almost word-for-word.

Luke 19:43: “saying to them, ‘It hath been written, My house is a house of prayer — but ye made it a den of robbers.’” is much less clearly symbological, although it contains compressed references to the Marcan juxtaposition of universal spiritual future and flawed contingent past. It could be argued that Luke’s redaction of Mark here tones down the prophetic content, perhaps in order to bring out Jesus’ vehemence towards markets. This contention becomes rather strained since Luke places that very redaction immediately after a parable in which a servant gains his master’s praise by successfully investing the master’s money, gaining profit.

The above analysis is, of course, somewhat speculative and quite close to the text: I am an amateur and my conclusions worth little. The attempt to use this passage to paint Jesus as an habitual opponent of trading and capital, however, requires two things: it not only requires (a) that Jesus is specifically throwing traders out of the Temple specifically because they are trading there, but also that (b) he does so vehemently enough that we can infer a negative attitude towards trading per se and not just in the Temple – otherwise the most that the G20 placard-bearer could have been complaining about is, perhaps, that he had to pay for his Catechesis in the church book-shop. If (a) is ambiguous – if not a misunderstanding – then we cannot move to (b).

I’m sorry that took so long. Thank God you don’t have to do it for weekly supervisions! Basically, try to paraphrase the arguments in your head so that the next time a statist tries to claim Jesus would have raised capital gains taxes, you have something to say back besides attacking their party’s anti-clericalism (which never goes down well, and often results in one accidentally defending clause 28 or something equally tasteless). Have a good year!
p.s. last time I tried arguments like this on an evangelical I know in the CSLD he claimed I was ‘intellectualizing’ the gospel. There’s a very easy way to undercut such an approach: ask so-called ‘literalists’ to explain how the words of the Bible teaches the existence of the Holy Trinity. Then watch them squirm.

Abolish the minimum wage

Thursday, April 2nd, 2009

There are some things which few people will thank you for saying, but still need to be said. There are some statements which will lose a politician more votes than they gain him, but still need to be said.

As Sean Gabb says in “Free Life Commentary”:

“A political leader, as opposed to a demagogue, has a duty to listen, but also to educate. This means on occasion resisting the will of the majority. It means the sort of patient explanation of truth that I last saw in the early 1980s, when several dozen Conservatives, in or out of office, went about the country telling often hostile audiences why the calls for reflation had to be resisted.”

One thing that needs to be explained is the badness of the minimum wage. Just as any price-fixing will cause a shortage or a surplus, the minimum wage causes unemployment (a surplus of labour). There are some people whose labour is simply not worth the minimum wage. With minimum wage laws, they will never get a job. To believe otherwise is to believe that government can legislate against the laws of economics. But governments can no more do that than they can legislate against the laws of physics.

Of course, if a minimum wage is brought in at £5/hour, not everyone previously earning less than £5/hour will suddenly lose their jobs. Like most political decisions, some people benefit from it, and some people lose out. But there are plenty of tasks which are simply not worth paying for at that cost. Various jobs are destroyed, and plenty of people do become unemployed. The government know this, of course, which is why there are different minimum wages in the UK for those aged 22 and above (£5.73), those aged between 18 and 21 (£4.77), and those younger than 18 (£3.53). Most under-18s are not skilled enough for their labour to be worth the adult minimum wage. Rather than see even more unemployment, the government created a tiered minimum wage. But it is not the case that the labour of everyone in any particular age band is worth the same. There are plenty of adults (currently unemployed) aged over 22 whose labour is worth less than £3.53/hour. Rather than differentiating by age, we should differentiate between each individual. But that would mean abolishing the minimum wage. This clearly demonstrates that the minimum wage was created for reasons of political popularity, despite the clear economic argument against it.

A good way to see why minimum wages are bad is to ponder why the minimum wage is currently £5.73.

In this clip from the BBC’s “Politics Show”, a woman says “I’ll vote Labour if they put the minimum wage up to £8″. Why isn’t it £8/hour? Or indeed £20/hour?

Perhaps this woman was on minimum wage. It’s hardly surprising that someone would turn to a politician for a pay rise when they couldn’t get it from their boss. However, raising the legal minimum wage to £8/hour would certainly have the unintended consequence of lowering this person’s actual wage to £0. Rather than increasing their income, they would become unemployed as a result of such a policy.

On Thursday 6th November 2008, in the annual “No Confidence” debate at the Union, Oliver Letwin was asked, “Why did you vote against the minimum wage?” It didn’t seem to have occurred to the questioner that there could be any good reason for opposing a minimum wage. Mr Letwin replied that he had been responsible for changing Conservative policy on the minimum wage “because we were wrong about it. It turned out not to price people out of jobs the way we thought it would. The reason we were sceptical about it is because we thought it would price people out of jobs… I hope, I trust, that it’s not going to rise to a level where it does that in a recession.”

Mr Letwin is wrong that the minimum wage has not priced people out of jobs. Indeed, now that we are in a recession, it is surely responsible for even more unemployment. The reason the minimum wage is not £8/hour is because that would cause more unemployment. So the choice for a politician when setting the level of the minimum wage is: How much unemployment do you want? Unemployment will never be minimised as long as minimum wage legislation remains in force.

Lowering or abolishing the minimum wage is of increased importance at the moment, because lowering wages is essential to ending recessions.

“It is common and indeed conventional knowledge that only World War II ended the Depression… What is less often acknowledged is that the New Deal as such thus failed to end to the Depression. Nor is it generally understood why the Depression did not return in 1946, after the military was demobilized and war production ended. By all rights, nothing should have been any different from 1939. But the Depression did not return. Despite demobilization and the end of war production, unemployment in 1946 was 3.9% and in 1947 3.9%…

So why didn’t the Depression return in 1946? Because wages were frozen even while the money supply was inflated with the war spending. This drove down real wages, the opposite of the consistent policy of Hoover and Roosevelt for a decade to drive up wages. In 1946, wages were low enough to clear the employment market. If employers could then hire workers at a market wage, and produce consumer goods, business could get back to normal. It did.”

However,

Dave Prentis, general secretary of Unison, will cut a special cake in the Commons to celebrate the anniversary, saying that the current £5.73 an hour rate should increase to £7.45 by October 2010.

The union also wants apprentices to be covered by the minimum wage, adding that the “development rate” for younger workers should be scrapped as it “discriminated” against young people.

As Tim Worstall puts it,

Are these people mad? A 30% pay rise in the middle of a recession? When people are shedding labour left, right and centre, you’re going to make labour more expensive?

The minimum wage is a blunt instrument. Prices are information, and setting prices (including wages) distorts the market, preventing it from solving the economic calculation problem and allocating resources efficiently. Just as we don’t set prices, we shouldn’t set wages.

The minimum wage is unfortunately popular amongst many people that it harms. If you want to redistribute wealth, which is what the minimum wage tries to do, a negative income tax would be a far more effective method.

What is Capitalism for?

Monday, January 19th, 2009

by Hugh Burling

The other night I was accused of being a Socialist. In conversation I had pursued the claim that it would be a good idea to encourage ordinary people and high-street banks to make lower-risk investments, such that there would be less risk overall in the system, and that slower growth was a fair price to pay for a steadier market. I made no reference to legal compulsion at any stage. As I understand it, the high-risk investment strategies that were until recently so widespread became so partly due to the popular demand for them. That is, ordinary people wanted higher and higher returns on their savings accounts and their small-scale investments, alongside lower and lower interest charged them on their use of credit cards and borrowing. To meet these demands, win more customers and stay ahead in the finance market, banks (investment, lending and otherwise) encouraged their employees to engage in more sophisticated and risky practices. Some thing or things went wrong and the cards slipped. I beg forgiveness for my primitive understanding and exposition of our financial markets and crisis: I think my comments below will make clear why I don’t take as much interest as some in the minutiae of the operation of our collective greed.

At any rate, the conversation was reduced to the question being asked of me: “Imagining that you trusted the borrower so implicitly that the ‘risk’ of a loan could only be judged as ‘zero’, what would you consider a fair rate of return, when you leant someone your money?”

Once upon a time, the moral engines of our society condemned usury, the lending of money for the lender’s profit. The consequence was the emergence of a complex system of gifting and deviously-worded insurance deals based on bartering. I am no expert on the financial operations of the Knights Templars but I strongly suspect that even their feudal wheelings and dealings were much simpler than usury has become since it was made legal for the majority of the population. We have always had markets and capital. At least, they both seem to go back a long way (see Sean Gabb’s “Market Behaviour in the Ancient World: An Overview of the Debate” (also available as a pdf). Wanting to make a profit from helping other people is probably ‘innate’ to human economic behaviour – at least it is so common that the desire needs to be factored into considering how to motivate people to help each other.

Indeed, the beauty of Capital‘ism’ is that it reveals how a selfish motivation can benefit others. But that beauty does not stem from the selfishness of the motivation. Intellectually (rather than historically or emotionally), we support financial markets because of three truisms: (1) “many people act out of selfish motivations more readily than out of altruistic ones”, (2) “borrowing money is a very efficient way for an individual to be able to begin new enterprises and hence develop new technology, provide more services, and a variety of other things we like to have” and (3) “many incidences of borrowing and lending must occur in order to have all the things we like produced or provided”. Because so many ‘lending transactions’ – the term ‘investment’ assumes that the transaction has a selfish motivation – must be carried out, we need to take account of the selfish motivations of the aforesaid many people. Also because selfish motivations are so popular, we do not expect a majority of entrepreneurs, inventors, artists and so forth to make a living on the feudal basis of patronage (in which they suffered perpetual disadvantage). So what we do is to try and facilitate selfishly motivated lending.

The problem arises when that facilitation changes to expectation, then reliance and finally the inability to imagine that people do, sometimes, want to help other people for reasons other than financial gain, and that alternative motivations are ultimately better, if rarer. This inability leads to a twisting of the truisms. The selfish ‘many’ changes to ‘all’, and usury becomes, in the mind of the public, the only means towards growth rather than merely a very efficient one.

To end the suspense, the answer I gave to the question was “nothing”. If one could spare the money, and one sufficiently trusted the borrower to return it to one before one needed it, there would be no point in one asking for interest. Nothing would have been lost. Of course, the lender would have gained nothing either. My accuser was flabbergasted at the idea of performing a transaction without the aim of capital gain, hence his accusation.

When we advocate a free market, extol the virtues of honest trade and applaud the system which makes the best of our too-often selfish instincts, we must never forget that a compromise is all capitalism is: a compromise with our greed. It is not an ideology, it cannot provide a goal and we should not allow its mathematical doctrines to persuade us that all humans are only ever selfish, simply because we have a clever system for working with the many of us who often are. In short, capitalism is not an ism like the isms that suffix its opponent theories. It is a perpetual jury-rig, not because we once had some pristine, more efficient system or are likely to manufacture a new one, but because we’re basically not good enough to build a proper mast ourselves.

Reagan quote of the week 1

Thursday, September 18th, 2008

“One of the traditional methods of imposing statism or socialism on a people has been by way of medicine. It’s very easy to disguise a medical program as a humanitarian project”

“First you decide the doctor can have so many patients. They are equally divided among the various doctors by the government, but then the doctors are equally divided geographically, so a doctor decides he wants to practice in one town and the government has to say to him he can’t live in that town, they already have enough doctors. You have to go some place else. And from here it is only a short step to dictating where he will go.

This is a freedom I wonder if any of us has a right to take from any human being. I know how I’d feel if you my fellow citizens, that to be an actor I had to be a government employee and work in a national theatre. Take it into your own occupation or that of your husband. All of us can see what happens once you establish the precedent that the government can determine a man’s working place and his working methods, determine his employment. From here it is a short step to all the rest of socialism, to determining his pay and pretty soon your son won’t decide when he’s in school where he will go or what he will do for a living. He will wait for the government to tell him where he will go to work and what he will do.”

Transcript