Posts Tagged ‘EU’

Labour lies: the full story

Sunday, October 11th, 2009

The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group was formed in June 2009 by the Conservative Party and our allies in the European Parliament. Because we are eurosceptic, conservative and anti-federalist, there are plenty of people out to get us. But they haven’t got anything to get us on. So they have accused the Chairman of the ECR, Michał Kamiński, of anti-semitism. These accusations are downright lies, and the people making them know it.

Kamiński is accused of having once been a member of an anti-Semitic party. In fact, the National Rebirth of Poland Party was not anti-Semitic when he joined aged 15. It was anti-Communist. He left before his 18th birthday. “It was a time I am very proud of, when at the age of 15, I decided to become a member of the underground against the Communist dictatorship. At the time this was a patriotic youth organisation not anti-Semitic or Nazi,” he said.

David Miliband attacked us for sitting with the Latvian Freedom and Fatherland party, on the grounds that they attend an “annual parade honouring veterans of the Latvian Legion of the Waffen SS”. In fact, the parade honours all Latvian war dead, and is attended by every party in Latvia. But you won’t find a single mention of this in the many smear stories the Guardian have run.

Miliband was rebuked by the Latvian Ambassador, but he hasn’t apologised. William Hague pointed out that Miliband’s attack was “based on remarks which the Chief Rabbi of Poland has said were misrepresented.” Stephen Pollard, editor of the Jewish Chronicle, described it as “anti-Semitic mudslinging of the worst kind“. He said, “Far from being an antisemite, Mr Kaminski is about as pro-Israel an MEP as exists.”

As Kamiński says in Total Politics:

What I’m facing here in the UK is not only a very disappointing standard of political debate, but very disappointing standards of journalism. Rabbi Schudrich made a statement about the allegations in this magazine. He sent them a statement and they ignored it. They didn’t print it. Rabbi Schudrich made it very clear that he didn’t want to make any political statements about me, but he wanted to make clear that he has nothing against me and does not regard me as an anti-Semite. Come on. Just recently, I came back from Israel where I was received at the top level of government. I had my statement posted on the Israeli ministry of foreign affairs. The Israeli ambassador to Brussels accepted my invitation to visit our group next week; can you imagine that the Israeli state would receive me if they had any doubts about my attitude towards the Jewish people and the state of Israel?

The Labour charge was that by leaving the European People’s Party we were allying ourselves with extremists. But in fact it’s the EPP that contains the extremists.

In fact it is the Labour Party who sit with nutters and unpleasant characters in the European Parliament. They sit with Communist nostalgics, an old member of the IRA, and a 9/11 denier.

“Fruitcakes, Loonies and Closet Racists”?

Friday, September 4th, 2009

Nigel Farage is planning on standing against the Speaker, John Bercow, in his Buckingham Constituency at the coming General Election (BBC). This is unusual in that – by convention – the Speaker seeking reelection is unopposed (certainly by the mainstream parties; I believe the SNP fielded a candidate against Michael Martin in 2005). However, I rather welcome Mr Farage’s candidacy.

Nigel Farage is a decent and principled man. He may have all the subtlety of a bull in a proverbial china shop, but the haemorrhage of our national sovereignty is something of a red Torero’s cloth in his case. In 2008, for example, he refused to rise for Prince Charles’s standing ovation, on the grounds that the latter had given a speech favouring an further shift of power to Brussels.

He has not decided to stand against Mr Bercow because it would be easy – at the last election, Jonnyboy romped home with a majority of 18,000. Rather, Nige objects to both the Speaker’s participation in the expenses imbroglio (he is, supposedly, a ‘flipper’); and perhaps more significantly, the fact that Parliament has surrendered more and more power to Brussels – and as the symbolic leader of this Parliament, Mr Farage holds the Speaker responsible for this (which vaguely makes a little bit of sense in a superficial way).

Everything from what light bulbs we can put in our living room to how we regulate hedge funds is decided in Brussels and the Speaker does not intend to reverse that.  I want the election in Buckingham to be a debate about how we are governed in this country.”

Perhaps more interestingly, this offers the Conservative Party to rid themselves of an unwanted speaker without wielding the knife themselves. It was widely held that if Labour couldn’t elect one of their own as speaker, they’d elect the next best thing – John Bercow was once rumoured to be considering defection to the Labour Party; he then cooperated with the ill-fated “Government Of All Talents” that Brown instituted in a vain attempt to look original. There are those in the Party (both grassroots and parliamentary) that would very much like to see Bercow dismissed and an old grandee like Sir George Young enthroned on the speakers’ chair. By standing against Bercow – unopposed by the official Tory party, Labour and the Lib-Dims – Mr Farage might have a reasonable chance of picking up lots and lots of support from disillusioned Conservatives (although his track record on expenses isn’t entirely spotless).

I’d personally would be very tempted to vote UKIP in a Bercow/Farage contest. John Bercow has desecrated the office of speaker by ridding himself of all the ceremonial gladrags (some had hopes of a resurrection of the wig). He’s just a bit slimy. Nigel Farage, conversely, is an interesting man who would bring the “conviction politician”‘s spark of excitement back to a lacklustre Parliament. Obviously one UKIP MP wouldn’t make a difference, but after all: all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing.

Goings-on in the European Pantomime

Wednesday, July 15th, 2009

No panto is complete without a dame, and the venerable Edward Mcmillan-Scott played the laughable dowager with great gusto in the opening matinée yesterday afternoon.

The classic (and simple) fairytale of electing a group leader was twisted and stretched somewhat by EM-S’s decision to put his own interests ahead of the interests of the Party and his constituents. In the original story, Michal Kamisnski would take the throne (namely the Vice-Presidency of the Parliament) and Timothy Kirkhope would battle Geoffrey van Orden for leadership of the ECR block.

However, the Tories’ old allies in the EPP-ED decided to punish the British Conservative Delegation by electing EM-S as Vice President, effectively denying the approved ECR candidate, Michal Kaminski the post. It’s a fairly ridiculous sort of group that plays such silly politics, and it’s a fairly ridiculous sort of “parliament” that facilitates nonsense like this.

Gallant as ever, Timothy Kirkhope stood aside as leader-designate of the ECR group and let Kaminski take the helm. Consequently, ECR is the first europarliamentary bloc with a leader elected from one of the accession states. Perhaps more importantly, he is a sound anglophile, eurosceptic and free marketeer. As Dan Hannan explains, “When Michal made his first speech as an MEP, he hymned the praises of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, to the unfeigned horror of the EPP. He is, in short, the closest thing to a British Tory outside the Carlton Club.”

Although an apparent hero won the day, the villain still had his revenge. Although EM-S had the Tory whip removed (quite rightly), he’s a five-year season ticket for a first-class seat on the gravy train. Perhaps more selfishly, he’s given more fuel to critics of the Tory European policy [both inside and outside the party] and shattered Cameron’s fragile facade of EU-unity.

By behaving in such a reckless and self-centred manner, EM-S has served only to prove that the European Parliament is little more than an irrelevant talking shop, little more than a third-rate panto for dames, jokers and villains.

 

=> Link to Tim Montgomerie on why EMS should be expelled

Events this week (4th-9th May)

Sunday, May 3rd, 2009

Frederick Forsyth will address members of both CUCA and CUS in the Kennedy Room, in the Union building, at 7pm on Bank Holiday Monday (4th), to be introduced by a member of the TaxPayers’ Alliance: free and open to all.frederick-forsyth

Frederick Forsyth is the celebrated journalist turned novelist whose thrillers are so factually accurate and insightful as to be prophetic. He’s coming to the Union in his capacity as a political commentator and staunch Eurosceptic to explain how the EU damages British democracy and resists democratic reform of itself.

For any Thatcherites out there, or simply bon vivants who want to try out the Union’s cocktail menu, join us beforehand in the bar from 6pm for an informal “Margaret Thatcher Day Cocktails”.

Note also that this week’s UNION DEBATE held on Thursday the 7th will be “This house is proud of Margaret Thatcher’s time as Prime Minister” – sure to be riveting with Peter Lilley and John Redwood defending the Iron Lady against Lucas F-S and Ian Gibson. It’d be good to see a large CUCA contingent there to balance out the lefties.

cuca-port-and-cheesey
Port and Cheese
will be in the Green Room at
Caius College,

Saturday 9th May at 8pm

Dress Code: Black Tie

£6 for members, else £8 – please send cheques payable to “Cambridge University Conservative Association” to Hugh Burling of St John’s College

The devalued Prime Minister of a devalued Government

Tuesday, March 24th, 2009

Daniel Hannan is a Conservative Member of the European Parliament. He spoke to CUCA in Michaelmas 2008. With Douglas Carswell MP, he is author of “The Plan: 12 months to renew Britain.

One of the advantages of leaving the European People’s Party is that we will get more influence. Because he is not a member, Mr Hannan was the only Conservative to speak when Gordon Brown visited the European Parliament today. Here is what he said:

“Perhaps you would have more moral authority in this house if your actions matched your words. Perhaps you would have more legitimacy in the councils of the world if the United Kingdom were not going into this recession in the word condition of any G20 country.

The truth, Prime Minister, is that you have run out of our money. The country as a whole is now in negative equity. Every British child is born owing around £20,000. Servicing the interest on that debt is going to cost more than educating the child.”

Do watch the whole thing. If only we could have seen Gordon Brown’s face.

Margaret Thatcher quote of the week 9

Wednesday, March 18th, 2009

No! No! No!

http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=U2f8nYMCO2I

Yes, the Commission wants to increase its powers. Yes, it is a non-elected body and I do not want the Commission to increase its powers at the expense of the House, so of course we differ. The President of the Commission, Mr. Delors, said at a press conference the other day that he wanted the European Parliament to be the democratic body of the Community, he wanted the Commission to be the Executive and he wanted the Council of Ministers to be the Senate. No. No. No.

Perhaps the Labour party would give all those things up easily. Perhaps it would agree to a single currency and abolition of the pound sterling. Perhaps, being totally incompetent in monetary matters, it would be only too delighted to hand over full responsibility to a central bank, as it did to the IMF. The fact is that the Labour party has no competence on money and no competence on the economy–so, yes, the right hon. Gentleman would be glad to hand it all over. What is the point of trying to get elected to Parliament only to hand over sterling and the powers of this House to Europe?

http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm198990/cmhansrd/1990-10-30/Debate-1.html

Margaret Thatcher quote of the week 7

Wednesday, March 4th, 2009

Speech to the House of Lords, 7th June 1993

The voluntary alliance of 12 nations that we joined is being turned gradually into a new political entity—a European super state. I doubt very much whether the people realise what is happening. Unification is supposed to be the natural direction of development.

I could never have signed this treaty. I hope that that is clear to all who have heard me. The Bill will pass considerable further powers irrevocably from Westminster to Brussels, and, by extending majority voting, will undermine our age-old parliamentary and legal institutions, both far older than those in the Community. We have so much more to lose by this Maastricht Treaty than any other state in the European Community. It will diminish democracy and increase bureaucracy.

M. Delors knew well the importance of his words when he spoke to the European Parliament in 1988. He said:

“Ten years hence, 80%; of our economic legislation, and perhaps even our fiscal and social legislation as well, will be of Community origin”.

He went on, and this is not so generally known:

“In 10 countries, though”—

we were excluded—

“there has been no realization of this, and in these same 10 countries there is no co-operation between European parliamentarians and national parliaments”.

Then he went on:

“What I am afraid of is that some of these national parliaments are going to wake up with a shock one day, and that their outraged reaction will place yet more obstacles in the way of progress towards European Union”.

The national parliaments are entitled to have an outraged reaction. They will soon be little more than an agency for the Commission and for the European Council.

Finally, the referendum. No elector in this country has been able to vote against Maastricht—none. It has been impossible to do so. I think that when one looks at the extent of the powers which are being handed over, it would be disgraceful if we denied them that opportunity. Yes, we waited with bated breath for both Danish referenda. They thought that people were bullied out of their first decision. So much for the unanimity rule.

Further, in the other place less than half the honourable Members voted for the treaty. The electorate has not been able to vote and half the honourable Members in the other place—less than half; 292 out of some 650—voted for the treaty. We are in the Rome Treaty and in the Single European Act and we stay there. I believe that to hand over the people’s parliamentary rights on the scale of the Maastricht Treaty without the consent of the people in a referendum would be to betray the trust—as guardians of the parliamentary institutions, of the courts and of the constitution—that they have placed in us.

Delors turned out to be correct. Hansard: 3rd June 2008, Column 644, 3.35pm: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200708/cmhansrd/cm080603/debtext/80603-0004.htm#08060374000379.

“The German Government estimate that more than 80 per cent of German laws are now decided at a European level… When I was a Minister, officials would frequently say, ‘No, Minister, you can’t do that’, because something was within the exclusive competence of the European Union.”

All I want for Christmas

Tuesday, December 9th, 2008

All I want for Christmas… is withdrawal from the EU.

Complete, total withdrawal from the European Union should be our first public act. The public want this, but at the moment none of the main parties offer the choice. We should include this in our manifesto.

I can’t currently think of much which would make me happier. If it happened, I would crack out the champagne and have one hell of a party.

So that’s what I want for Christmas.

What do you want for Christmas?

Why we must leave the European Union

Wednesday, August 27th, 2008

The EU is an undemocratic organisation with its own interests at heart; a racket to enrich its ruling elite. Unlike ordinary treaty organisations, its governing body, the European Commission, is designed to promote what is best for the European Union, not its member states or their citizens.

The European Parliament cannot propose legislation. Instead, it is the unelected European Commission, composed of fraudsters and other convicted criminals, which has legislative initiative. While the Commission can be asked to put forward legislation by Members of the European Parliament, it does not have to. There is a chilling effect here, because anti-EU MEPs will not bother asking for legislation they know will not be put forward.

About a quarter of EU laws do not fall under the “codecision procedure”. If they fall under the “assent procedure”, the European Parliament has power to veto but not amend proposals. Under “consultation procedure” the European Parliament cannot stop the legislation.

Almost 80% of UK law now comes from the EU, not from our elected and representative representatives in Westminster. MPs don’t want to admit how little power they have: during the recent media circus about post office closures, no major politicians would admit they could do nothing about it without leaving the EU: it was an EU initiative. (I do actually support privatising the post.) Small UK businesses are suffocating under pointless EU directives we can do nothing about, except leave the EU.

The Conservative Party say they want to be “in the EU, not ruled by the EU”. They say that since we will be so affected by the EU whether we are members or not, we might as well be members so that we have some say in its running.

This is not true. 10% of Britain’s trade is with people in EU countries, 10% with non-EU countries. 80% is internal. The cost of unnecessary regulation to businesses is enormous, and we do not need to be a member of the EU to trade with it. Indeed, the EU is an anti-free-trade organisation which therefore hurts the developing world: membership requires we put a 1.5% tariff on all non-EU trade, as well as further ad-hoc protectionist measures. If we really want free trade, we’ll unilaterally declare it. If other countries don’t, it’s their loss. It doesn’t even require any government agreement, let alone the EU.

The Conservative manifesto for MEP elections said that they wanted to

  • “fight fraud and maladministration in Europe”
  • “oppose Euro-Socialist efforts to impose new burdens on business, new Euro-taxes, new trade union privileges and new red tape”
  • “complete the single market, to secure greater competition and wider consumer choice at lower prices”
  • “defend Britain’s farmers and fishermen to ensure they get the best possible deal in Europe”

It is now clear that after 30 years in the EU, membership has given us no control over the direction the EU has taken. Fraud continues on an (almost) unimaginable scale, and the European Court of Auditors refused to sign off the EU accounts for the 13th year running (certain to become 14th year running in November). It is official practice now not to even bother investigating fraud under €1 million. We wouldn’t get any of the EU’s regulations if we weren’t members. Unilateral free trade will bring us greater competition and efficiency than anything else. The CAP and CFP will never be reformed, and even slight reform would be unacceptable: the only acceptable reform is their abolition, which we can effect for ourselves by leaving the EU.

A good example of the unreformability of the EU is the two parliament buildings in Strasbourg and Brussels. Moving various files and equipment back and forth between the two cities takes 10 large trucks, and the cost of having two locations is estimated at €200 million a year. A force of 30 men loads the trucks for the 250m journey between the two locations. Everyone agrees that having two buildings is pointless, except the French who don’t want to lose the parliament in Strasbourg. This grotesque waste and inefficiency cannot be reformed except by treaty, which will be vetoed by the French.

No one seriously believes the EU can be reformed, or that we have any control over it. We should leave immediately and stop contributing to its budget. Leaving will have no detrimental effects to us. The EU is the successor to the USSR: it is a socialist organisation designed to abolish the competition between nations which hinders government control of the economy (for example, tax competition).

Finally, take a look at some of the videos here: http://www.youtube.com/user/europarl.

We want to trade with Europe, we want to cooperate with Europe, we want to be good neighbours with Europe, but we do not want to be governed by the dictatorship that is the European Union.

The European Union

Thursday, January 3rd, 2008

With the recent European Reform Treaty, it is topical to consider the nature of, and the justification for the European Union. The central point to make here is that whatever justification for the EU that is given, it is either false or not worth it. Indeed, the EU is detrimental to the prosperity of many countries in the world.

The primary reason for the creation of a pan-European economic and, subsequently political, organisation was to ensure greater integration, especially between France and Germany, in order to ensure that war would never again divide the continent. In this respect, if the EU has done anything at all to help, it has been entirely successful. However, would anyone argue that there is still work to be done? Are the Gauls and Aryans primed and ready to battle it out for supremacy as soon as the mystical shroud of political federation, as provided by the EU, is lifted? This may seem trite, but there is a serious point: since even before the creation of a European Community, its work has been done. War between France and Germany was not made obsolete by a form of coalition in the 1950s, but by the destruction and inhumanity of World War Two. As such, Europhiles have always sought new and elaborate justifications for the EU, almost all of which are false.

Rather than repeat thousands of other articles on the same subject and list the different justifications propounded in support of the EU only to refute them, I shall look at one function of the EU and the associated argument in favour of its existence. This is to re-distribute wealth through development aid from wealthier European nations to those that are less developed and to open up their trade markets in order to raise their GDP and living standards. One can argue that Britain itself benefited from this very principle when it was the sick man of Europe before the economic reforms of Margaret Thatcher. However, this great benefit of the EU is undermined by the nature of the Union itself, thereby eradicating any intrinsic benefit derived from redistribution. These problems are: global issues, immigration, and centralisation.

Through the EU, we deal only with the problems on our small continent. In contrast, it is beyond our Eurocentric world that the majority of unacceptable crises can be found. Of course, one can argue that the EU can function as an effective aid organisation to the world. However, this is not possible when the EU implements protectionist economic sanctions. The EU is an oppressive economic bloc, limiting free trade (as well as the scope for fair trade) in order to maintain its economic dominance at the expense of developing world economies. For example, every year the EU destroys tonnes of food in order to keep prices high. Moreover, market competition from outside the EU is restricted. It is only through trade (be it free, fair or otherwise) that individual producers and countries can hope to gain the wealth necessary to prosper.

What is more, when we look at the free movement of people within Europe, we see that aid within the EU is similarly undermined. This is because immigration within the EU removes the population needed for economic growth from the countries that seek development. Those in favour of immigration in Britain tend to point to the (supposed) vast economic benefit migrants bring to our shores. However, paradoxically, are we not being selfish when we call for more immigrants? This is because it impedes growth in the countries these people are leaving. Instead, we privilege our own prosperity above that of other people in the world. As such, those left behind are also left behind in terms of living standards and the opportunity in order to improve their quality of life compared with those living in Britain.

The centralised and authoritarian nature of the EU also undermines the development aid given to less economically developed member states. This is because the terms of this aid is dictated by the western European countries that dominate the EU through majority voting. In this way, the historical and cultural development of the country receiving aid is neglected, and, effectively, suppressed. As such, the benefit of that development aid is undermined. For example, a policy that suits the British economy, dominated by the private sector, may not be suitably implemented on the continent where the social economy is more prevalent. The best initiatives have to take the historical and cultural milieu of a nation into account. This cannot be achieved at a pan-European level.

In conclusion, the European Union’s aim to help development in less economically developed member states is admirable and justifiable. However, the framework within which it is conducted does not work. First, it undermines global development through economic restrictions. Second, development within the EU is undermined by free immigration. And third, derived from its centralised and authoritarian nature, the terms of aid to other countries is dictated by the major European powers, which may not suit the historical and cultural development of the recipient country. As such, one may wonder whether this noble aim of the EU is worth it considering the adverse consequences.

Of course, there are many other arguments in favour of the EU. Examples include better trade between European countries, regulatory consistency, and a political power to counteract the hegemony of the United States of America. However, these arguments seem to suffer from the same problem as that given above: they fail to justify the creation of an additional and cripplingly expensive layer of bureaucracy, whose aims are undermined by its very nature. However, that is for another article to discuss.