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Archive for the ‘Politics’ Category

Thoughts from Wonkfest 2010: Wednesday 6th

Tagged: Brooks Newmark, Conference 2010, Conservative Party, Owen Paterson, religion, Whiggery

00:00 Wednesday

On that note, we couldn’t bring ourselves to “Club Together” at Oceana on our last night out. I do not see how shaking bodies and drinking SoCo and Lemonade in a discotheque can possibly be ‘in the National Interest’. If I have not mentioned it before, I think the banners raise an excellent Cry (“Together in the National Interest”, beneath an oak coloured as a flying Union Flag). It is reassuring to hear the vocabulary of conservatism used to identify and motivate the Party.
                  We had our final event last recently, during which Mr (sic. Rt Hon?) Own Paterson MP made a last-minute addition to the panel alongside good ol’Two Brains and the ever-affable Mr Newmark. Mr Paterson reassures me for the look of quiet, knowing amusement that rests on his face, making it all the more alarming when he quotes how much we are borrowing each minute, or how much we spend on segregation in Northern Ireland. I do like Brooks Newmark, as a person, but I detected, unfortunately, his American extraction in his assertion that “we mustn’t be afraid to be Conservatives, to be pro-capitalism” as against Cable’s remarks. We must not let British conservatism be counfounded with American conservatism which, when considered accurately, is the conservation of a constitution & institution which are in themselves (classical) Liberal, Whig, Enlightenment-rationalist, & of course genealogically tied to the “American Dream” in which, when dreamt crudely, to be more means to have more.
                 Nevertheless, what might have been a dry and technical discussion on cuts and public service provision was reassuring, maybe even inspiring, for the unity of purpose displayed between the speakers, to be sure, but also in cutting and reforming: using one as an impetus to improve the other through decentralisation, accountability, competition ect. ect.
                The stage is set of the terms of debate to be changed such that “deficit-deniers” will barely have a platform. Yet ultimately all these grand ideas will mean nothing if growth (& its attendent jobs) are not forthcoming.

10:29 Wednesday

I realise that last night I was rather tired and was writing what probably amounts to “political commentary” on things which ministers said at Conference. I do apologise. Here, on the train home, I shall try to recall conversations I had with strangers, and what I thought of them. I shall try to be brief as Waverley beckons.
               I met a couple of TRG workers on our first evening, introduced to me by a big man in the UCLC I knew from what I can now refer to as my “undergraduate days”. Apparently the Tory Reform Group now has “no position” on the EU: probably A Good Thing. He seemed sympathetic to, if unconvinced by, some of the postures I struck in the Outset of this article – all in all, however, High and “Progressive” Conservatism will lead to the same policies (saving Coalition-induced attacks on the Church, which the Lib-Dems will hopefully not have time for): we must simply beware, by adopting Progressive (i.e. managerial/Levelling) vocabulary, of conceding the argument to genuine “Progressives”, with all their appetite for destruction.
               To some extent this brings me to an encounter I had, in one of my late flyering sessions, with a lovely ageing Irish couple. From their accents they can’t have been from too far north of the border, and they weren’t Protestants, so it was good to see them coming this far to support/investigate the Conservative and Unionist Party. They asked me how the Party would defend the practice of religion: I minded them of Baroness Warsi’s and Rt Hon David Cameron’s speeches before and during the Papal Visit. We have a government which at least understands that religion (and, one would hope, the organised institutions thereof) is part of the solution, not the problem. Then again, perhaps it is the reserved job of vicars and theologians to insist on Sola Christi salvatus est when the world is broken. They advanced that religion (and I suspect they would have liked to say the Church) was a necessary condition for civilisation. We must have more elderly people on television.
               The Campaign for an English Parliament made a persistent and irritating presence outside the ICC, one representative even coming to one of our meetings and asking the Minister for the Cabinet Office silly questions. Their position is a nonsense: as constitutional meddlers, piecemeal reformers, they are a continuation of the policy and attitude that caused the problems they wish to rectify (note upon re-reading: is it not interesting that the worst constitutional reforms are those driven by democratic principle, rather than economic or social necessity?). The Westlothian Question etc. occured because of constitutional vandalism: it will be a miracle if more vandalism can lead to a permanent Answer. Bad reforms are best dealt with by resistance to any further reform, whilst good people adjust to make the best of the mistakes and carry out silent reaction through market and cultural forces.
              A newly elected local councillor I met last night complained of an outside contractor whi had costed an Olympic sized swimming pool without thinking to factor in the tiles. We must remember not to let restructuring become enthusiastical: let the Suffolk experiment fail (quietly) so that other Councils are discouraged from other hairbrained, negligent saving schemes. Councils are serious bodies with a lot of real work to be getting on with.

All in all, there were lots of Sharp Young Men and Lovely Assistants, some more qualified and professional than others, so that any worry of an ageing Party does not seem necessary. The place was also fairly heaving: each night saw crowds stuck outside the lobby of the Secure Zone hotel, unable to find standing room inside. Supposedly there were 14,000 pass-holders. Teams and teams, too, of quickly recruited student interns flyering for the bigger Wonkshops and charities in branded polo-shirts. I know that, nationally, political Party membership is declining – but this cannot be easily seen from the outside-in: it is the local Associations, who perform the legwork, which need continued support now the Queen’s men are her ministers and the ’22 is on their proper side of the House. In May the ‘air-war’ was a disaster. Strategically, CCHQ should be looking to the grassroots, whose passions are ready for harnessing and whose instincts are at worst a little self-absorbed, at best very sensible indeed.

Thoughts from Wonkfest 2010: Tuesday 5th

Tagged: Conference 2010, Conservative Party, culture

14:30 Tuesday

Last night (the whole of our party not equipped with conference passes) we attended a Jazz Night at the Yardbird. It was all fairly easy-going blues and ragtime affairs for the middle-aged attendees. Really, all the music at Conference should be jazz or ‘party’ classical (Eine Kleine, Arrival of the Queen of Sheba, Sonata in G and such like): the kowtowing to popular (i.e. low) culture to make the Party look ‘in touch’ will suck out its life – remove its elite identity which makes it worthy of leadership.

Thoughts from Wonkfest 2010: Monday 4th

Tagged: Conference 2010, Conservative Party, strikes

8:30 Monday Morning

A terrible omen begins the day: I have misplaced my cornflower blue, and left my lilac (on the breakfast table), handkerchiefs and will have to settle for richer, darker, more garish shades. Mr Johnson’s additional bus provisions made it possible to reach Marylebone overground, so contributing, by my successful journey, to the eventual defeat of the Luddites who have stymied the flow of loyal workers ’round the nation’s heart.
              I wonder whether it would be legal (and, if not, whether it would be practical to make it legal) to introduce a form of “lifeblood” public service contract by which public sector workers who so chose could opt-out of union memberships, and vow not to work through their colleagues’ strikes, in return for incrementally higher pay & perks. Presumably the definitions involved would have to be subtle enough to uphold their fundamental right to strike, whilst preventing the barons from simply operation union strikes in a way that allowed “Lifeblood” workers to join them without breaching the special contracts.
             That appelation brings me to the second difficulty of the policy: portraying it for the move towards public-private solidarity that it is, rather than a matter of government ‘buying scabs’. Now, I do not understand where the term ‘scab’ comes from (perhaps a commentator could help me), but it seems to me that, by adopting this organic imagery, we may be able to invert the rhetoric of the Socialists. If a ‘scab’ is someone who prevents the capitalist parasite from bleeding his property back out to workers (and this explanation strikes me as somewhat tenuous), then to call our special contracts “Lifeblood Contracts” would be to emphasize the essential continuity and interdependence of the sectors. When Mammon is wounded, Leviathan does not feed and grow stronger, but is weakened too by the lack of a strong provider; when Leviathan is starved, Mammon is threatened, for its protector has no belly for the fight.
           The policy would need to be wrapped in the rhetoric of organic and established structure. London is the heart of the Kingdoms; the ‘public services’ their lifeblood, which carry and distribute the proceeds of growth, their meal. Just as it is the duty of every businessman and craftsman to use his gains for the sake of his neighbour, so it is the duty of every tube-driver to man the post the public purse had paid him to man. Economic policies of governments must be opposed at the ballot box, at the expense of the party that practised them: not in the streets and tunnels at the expense of fellow subjects.

16:45 – Not as many conference-goers seem interested in economics as ought to be, given our situation.

21:15

I attended a meeting with Mr David Gauke MP, Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury (i.e. Grand High Taxman), Michael, Lord Forsyth, and a very-well-qualified and insightful professional economist. What struck me was the realisation that the rift in the Party between Whigs and Tories (or Thatcherites and Disraelians/Cameroons) has been greatly amplified by our pernicious mediums. Lord Forsyth gave a cut-and-dried Thatcherite warrior’s speech about cutting top rates of taxes to raies the yield and increase growth, and so benefit the poorest – and Mr Gauke did not object: rather, in stressing the priorities of this government, welfare reform, despite its expense, was wrapped up entirely and wholeheartedly with the need for cuts.
              Having said this, we shall have to see if Mr Cameron is, in the long term, upset enough with Dr Fox to consider bringing forward a repeal of the hunting ban to this Parliament (har-har).
            I have just eaten a near-perfect gammon steak in the Holiday Inn. The house red is less good. Matthew and I will be, on a certain diminutive brunette’s advice, retiring to a reception with Open Europe. I shall try and keep my mind open, also – which is not to say the same thing as that I will try to pay attention.

Thoughts from WonkFest 2010

Tagged: Conference 2010, Conservative Party

Ladies and gentlemen, sistren and brethren, girls and boys, oi oligoi, oi polloi,

In the hope that some of you reading this will be new undergraduates, and because those of you who are will probably never meet me, I am going to begin what could easily become a very long article with a very brief introduction of myself. I graduated last June with a Bachelor’s in Theology (and “Religious Studies”, which is to say, the study of religions – I conducted no part of my tripos wearing a habit). I served as Chairman of this Association for a term, did a bit of dogsbodying one September for a Parliamentary Candidate who is now Member for Brentford and Isleworth (on the Picadilly, if I recall correctly), and am currently working for a think-tank in St James’ Park. From that last sentence you might detect some loyalty to the Party, and you would not be far wrong. Yet to finish this brief introduction, and to lend some coherence and foundation to the rest of the article, I shall define myself as a High Tory over against the Thatcherites and modern left-Liberals who have won the ascendancy (or, in Mr Osborne’s case, introduced the Ascendancy) in the Conservative and Unionist Party as it stands. This will probably do.

This week is the Conservative Party Conference 2010, in Birmingham – the city, as it happens, of my fathers, so I shall avoid complaining about its damp climes or unpleasant buildings – and as part of my duties in the aforementioned think-tank, I am bound to attend and organise our meetings at the Fringe. As such, I shall have a unique position as an observer. Unlike the many journalists attending, I will not have time to go to any of the keynote speeches, nor any but very few of the Fringe meetings besides our own. In the days I shall be out in the cold accosting middle-aged businessmen (and women, yes indeed, this is, after all, 2010) and upwardly-mobile hacks, wonks, SpAds and the like as they wander from meeting to meeting, to persuade them to wander into ours (we have some lovely flyers in three lovely pastel shades of blue, green and pink). In the evenings, I shall be catching up with the oh-so-cool-kids of Conservative Future and their allies in various bars. This position is unique and useful to a commentator because I will be isolated from the ‘actual politics’ going on: from policy announcements, resolutions, propaganda, ect ect. Indeed, I promise you all that I shan’t pick up a newspaper the whole time I am there. I will therefore be able to communicate to you an impression formed entirely on the basis of the Conference’s ‘atmosphere’, by which I refer not only to the cold Midland winds but also to the general chatter of the delegates as they wait in queues and prop up bars.

Ideally, I should like to update this entry as and when I have thoughts during my sojourn. Unfortunately, however, I am staying in a dorm and shall have no computer with which to do so. Instead, I will write entries in my pocket-book and, without edition, copy them into this article on Wednesday evening, when I have returned. I would like to believe that, having read this outset, you will all be eagerly awaiting this event. I am trying to like to believe this enough that my will may overcome the doubt of my intellect…I have done so…I am grateful that you will be awaiting eagerly my entries when they appear on Wednesday night.

All proper names will be ommitted, save for those which are on record (that is, speakers at certain events). They will be replaced by oblique references, hopefully intelligible only to those who know or know of the individuals so referred to well enough that any aspersions I cast will be unlikely to change my readers’ opinions.

I shall begin by describing my preparations, or, at least, my anticipations: company policies are for me to know and you to imagine. I slept until a quarter to two this afternoon, ready for the late nights and early mornings in the week ahead. I shall have to rise extremely early to reach Marylebone through the planned tube strikes in time to reach my 8:23 train to Birmingham. I have prepared in my living room an enormous array of flyers, banners, etc.; their multicolours and condensed-wooden weight serve as a physical manifestation of the combination of excitement and dread contained currently within my breast. Aiding me will be my fellow intern-trainee, a Bristol graduate and almost-Orientalist named Matthew, and an old friend and member of this Association who will be missing her first freshers’ week at LSE to join the Party.

Soon, I shall iron my three-piece woolen pin-striped charcoal suit (inside out, of course, to prevent any shine), my blue-and-purple tie, and my thrice-sky-blue-striped shirt and blue handkerchief for Monday, polish my Oxfords and go to evening Mass. All is ready: the red coats of Hanover wait over the hill of the dawn. We stand at a critical juncture in the history of the Party and Britain: Austrian Schoolmen believe themselves on the cusp of shrinking the “state” in the belief that their Enlightenment principles will “fix” (for this is all they can hope for) the nation. Arrayed against them and put on the back foot by our economic straits are the little-platoon-commanders of a New Generation of those who fight for national unity and the needs of the poor. We have yet to see whether fixing the finances at this pace will indeed create the prosperity they need, or whether we will sacrifice everything just to satisfy some economists’ pipe-dream. We have yet to see whether Blonde, Cameron, IDS et al. are the unifiers and protectors that they claim to be, or whether their Progressive (sic.) vocabulary betrays a capitulation to the forces of dissolution which the New Right and New Left have armed so well this last half-century.  God save the (de facto) Queen and her poor subjects from the Whigs that creep ’round the “Freedom Zone”, God save the Establishment of the Anglican School from the “Conservative Humanist Association” (I think St Thomas More would have little time for what passes for ‘humanism’ in this beleaguered century), and Christ be in the heart and mind of the heir of the heroes of Killicrankie, the (de facto) Queen’s First Minister, when he addresses the Party.

Corrections

Whenever something comes up in the Guardian that I quite seriously disagree with, I usually take a deep breath and carry on. This particular letter, however, has annoyed me to the point that I shall reproduce it below, with a few annotations in red.

~

We, the undersigned, share the view that Pope Ratzinger Benedict should not be given the honour of a state visit to this country. We believe that the pope, as a citizen of Europe and the leader of a religion with many adherents in the UK, is of course free to enter and tour our country. However, as well as a religious leader, the pope is a head of state, and the state and organisation of which he is head has been responsible for:

Opposing the distribution of condoms and so increasing large families in poor countries and the spread of Aids.

The Church’s teachings on chastity would further prevent the spread of HIV as a sexually transmitted infection.

Promoting segregated education.

I’m not really sure what this refers to.

Denying abortion to even the most vulnerable women.

But defending the most vulnerable children (i.e. those in utero).

Opposing equal rights for lesbians, gay, bisexual and transgender people.

The Church’s catechism, #2358, states “Men and women who have deep-seated homosexual tendencies…must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided.” The Church’s opposition to extravaginal and extramarital sex is universal. Its insistence upon respect for the dignity of every human being is also universal.

Failing to address the many cases of abuse of children within its own organisation.

Cardinal Ratzinger, prior to his election as Vicar of Christ, was perhaps one of few members of the Roman Curia who took these cases of abuse seriously, so far as to insisting that all cases should be brought under his jurisdiction within the Holy Office of the Inquisition.

The state of which the pope is head has also resisted signing many major human rights treaties and has formed its own treaties (“concordats”) with many states which negatively affect the human rights of citizens of those states.  In any case, we reject the masquerading of the Holy See as a state and the pope as a head of state -despite the fact that it holds a permanent observership in the United Nations - as merely a convenient fiction to amplify the international influence of the Vatican. With over 1 000 000 000 followers, why would the Church need to pretend to the status of a state in order to influence people? Its sovereignty as a state is a result of the wrangling over the unification of the many city-states that make up modern Italy. There is also a slight contradtion here – if the Holy See is only masquerading as a state, surely “its own treaties” are an irrelevance?

Stephen Fry, Professor Richard Dawkins, Professor Susan Blackmore, Terry Pratchett, Philip Pullman, Ed Byrne, Baroness Blackstone, Ken Follett, Professor AC Grayling, Stewart Lee, Baroness Massey, Claire Rayner, Adele Anderson, John Austin MP, Lord Avebury, Sian Berry, Professor Simon Blackburn, Sir David Blatherwick, Sir Tom Blundell, Dr Helena Cronin, Dylan Evans, Hermione Eyre, Lord Foulkes, Professor Chris French, Natalie Haynes, Johann Hari, Jon Holmes, Lord Hughes, Robin Ince, Dr Michael Irwin, Professor Steve Jones, Sir Harold Kroto, Professor John Lee, Zoe Margolis, Jonathan Meades, Sir Jonathan Miller, Diane Munday, Maryam Namazie, David Nobbs, Professor Richard Norman, Lord O’Neill, Simon Price, Paul Rose, Martin Rowson, Michael Rubenstein, Joan Smith, Dr Harry Stopes-Roe, Professor Raymond Tallis, Lord Taverne, Peter Tatchell, Baroness Turner, Professor Lord Wedderburn of Charlton QC FBA, Ann Marie Waters, Professor Wolpert, Jane Wynne Willson - “But there were also false prophets among the people, just as there will be false teachers among you. They will secretly introduce destructive heresies, even denying the sovereign Lord who bought them—bringing swift destruction on themselves.” – 2 Peter 2:1

Demolish the Closet

Tagged: closet, David Laws, homophobia

If I had the time (finals revision presses) I would go and find quotes from other cabinet ministers about how talented David Laws is and how important an asset he was to the cabinet.  I could go through his voting record and policy career show his balance and clarity – simultaneously defending the unborn and advocating scientific research, establishing frameworks for pluralist education while helping to prevent half-baked Labour education reforms – in short someone with excellent priorities. He was the driving force behind the return to Liberal roots set out in the Orange Book. I could go on.

To those who argue that Mr Laws’ reasons for not declaring that he was in a sexual relationship with his landowner are cooked-up pretexts for troughing that can’t hold up in our liberated 2010 Britain, I say: imagine your family finding out your sexual preference at the age of 44 in a newspaper. To those who say that remaining ‘in the closet’ is dishonest and that if you take that risk you accept the possibility of tragic consequences…well, that is what I want to address below. Mr Laws’ predicament should not have existed.

Perhaps (I think this is the more likely estimate, but the number is basically irrelevant) about 5% of use are more attracted to people of our own gender. When I meet someone, I do not presume that they prefer brunettes to blond(e)s or biscuits to cake (some readers may object to the analogy but bear with me). I usually assume (the epistemological “principle of charity”) that there is a ‘percentage point’ likelihood that they agree with me about various points of information or opinion based on the controversiality of that opinion (what percentage of people hold that belief determines the percentage likelihood a given stranger will). The gender you are more attracted to should be no different. I am going to keep expressing ‘sexuality’ or ‘orientation’ that way, ungainly as it may be, because I think that both of those terms are too structurally embedded: they make too many assumptions about how sexual attraction works which are based on our current cultural climate (as well as microclimate). People don’t ‘come out’ to tell you their preferences on any other issue: you just don’t worry about it. If we really believe that it doesn’t matter whether someone fancies girls or boys, then there should be no obligation to tell people which they fancy. If we are surprised that someone fancies a gender we didn’t expect them too, that’s all it should be – a surprise. We need to stop seeing who someone fancies as a fundamental part of their identity.

I am about to put scare quotes around the term “gay rights”, and again in a minute. The reason, put briefly for the sake of sticking to my main argument, is that this points out the constructed nature of both terms. In a right-thinking culture we wouldn’t need to have the idea of being-more-attracted-to-the-same-gender-as-yourself as a special identity, and we wouldn’t advocate the equality of people who are more-attracted-to-other-people-of-the-same-gender-as-themselves on the basis of natural rights (which don’t exist) but rather in terms of the benefits for everyone that we want to enshrine in rights legislation.

Campaigners for “gay rights” often focus on the importance of ‘coming out’ of ‘the closet’ as soon as possible (the Guardian CiF article immediately following Mr Laws’ resignation illustrates this point tidily). I believe that this approach can only ever be a short-term solution. It perpetuates the idea that people-who-are-more-attracted-to-other-people-of-the-same-gender-as-themselves[1] are under a burden of telling us that they are more attracted to people of their own gender. Instead, we ought to just assume that there is a 5% chance that this is true for any given stranger. This might seem a hopeless dream, but we will never get there as long as “coming out” continues to be an ever more ritualized way of dealing with anyone who isn’t only attracted to other people of the opposite gender in our culture.

Let me tell a story that might illustrate the kind of world that we could have if we didn’t perpetuate this cultural mechanism, ‘the closet’. In my first Christmas vacation home from Cambridge, I had a female friend over for dinner. As it happens, I did quite fancy her, but nothing was ever going to happen. In a conversation with my sister later that week she asked politely, without any pressure, whether we were an item. I replied, “well, no. It’s a shame, she’s quite fun.” My sister then said “yeah. Well, I thought I’d ask since, you know, with couples that have just got together you can’t necessarily tell.” The exchange was utterly nonchalant. My friend and I hadn’t had our hands on each other and weren’t giving off signals to that effect, but then I wouldn’t get cosy with a girlfriend in front of my family unless we had been obviously going out for several months: call me a prude, but it would be inappropriate. All this is relevant, believe it or not. I come from a Catholic family: my parents are pretty staunch, my little brother has me (theologian, orthodox) and our older brother (psychology/philosophy graduate, lapsed on principle) as shoulder angel/devil respectively while he sings in St George’s cathedral choir, and our older sister is comfortably lapsed.

 Imagine the above scenario if I preferred boys and had a boy I fancied home for dinner. My parents wouldn’t bring it up: they’d assume he was a friend like any other in the same way that they assume I’m going to church, saying my prayers, and keeping my trousers on vis a vis girlfriends. Imagine the hypothetical period after a few months of dating said male object of my desire, in which there might be a bit of hand-holding or whatever in the living room while we all play Cluedo (pwamattopots reading this will have to excuse my lack of imagination if there are different courtship habits that I’m unaware of, not having had a boyfriend). By that point, my brothers and sisters probably would have cottoned on and wouldn’t make a fuss any more than I make a fuss about my sister’s boyfriend despite my strong suspicions that they are, as it were, living in sin. My parents might sit me down and have a talk, but it would be the same talk I presume they’ve given, if they have, my lapsed adult brother and sister: be safe, don’t stop going to Mass, and we’ll pray for your repentance.

This is the reaction I would expect from my parents. Before you respond and say they must be very nice normal people but lots of pwamattots need the closet to protect them from their crazy Bible-bashing relatives, let me describe my parents’ political and religious profile for you. My mother responds to news of almost every major scandal or political crisis with a memory of how Thatcher said something sensible or had a sensible policy about this issue, and what it was. My Dad refuses to use an omega in his pronunciation of the term “homosexual”, and refers to “gay rights” campaigners as “homosexualists”. By the standards of CiF, they’re pretty unreconstructed. So why do I trust them to be decent in this hypothetical scenario? Well, I’ve seen how mildly disappointed but ultimately unphased and continually supportive they are of my older siblings. My mother worries about my sister moving in with her boyfriend not because she’ll go to hell for it (the number of the elect is known only to God, and besides, there’s a lot of easier ways to get there in theory). Rather, she’s worried that common law marriage is a dangerous situation financially and young people often cohabit their way out of thousands of hard-earned pounds. Pwamattots don’t currently have that problem, interestingly enough, so if I moved in with a boyfriend my mother wouldn’t have to worry about our breaking up and his demanding half my flat.

Being expected to “come out” of “the closet” adds an enormous layer of complication to dealing with the expectations of family and friends. I am inclined to believe that family and friends can often surprise us with how understanding they can be: as for public life, the Daily Mail (and now, apparently, the Talibgraph as it shall henceforth be known until we can think of something wittier than Cranmer) can shriek but it will be drowned out by defence from saner journalists. In a world without the closet, eventually we would be able to worry less about what people will think about who we fancy. Currently, those who speculate on the gender tastes of others (their friends, public figures) do so within a framework wherein they are ‘owed’ information because gender tastes are perceived to be a fundamental part of someone’s identity. Yet even if my taste in women over men were a fundamental part of who I am (and I suspect that some will contend I don’t feel this to be so precisely because I prefer girls and so am in the majority), I wouldn’t owe my friends or strangers information about this except insofar as they asked for it in a relevant context. Arguably, some of the things that I believe are a fundamental part of who I am, but there is no onus on me to volunteer information about my theism or my moral scepticism or even my political conservatism – except insofar as it is relevant to the conversation or situation.  

Let’s imagine a closet-less world for David Laws. He defended himself (and given his past record we shall here give him the benefit of the doubt) by appealing to his “privacy” which needed special consideration because he wanted to prevent, presumably, some family members from knowing that he is more attracted to men than to women. David Laws argued that his relationship with James Lundie didn’t constitute a “partnership” because they had different social circles, didn’t share bank accounts and so on according to the definitions in the Green Book. Presumably the limitations on their relationship (having a separate social life from your beloved does not sound like the sort of thing an ex-banker would put up with for £40k a year) were necessary for Mr Laws to keep it from those acquaintances who would have been distressed by it.

In a closet-less world Messers Laws and Lundie would be able to spend plenty of time together, sharing the same social circles, and people would not decide that they were a couple unless they volunteered the information. Why not? Because there is a 95% chance that they are just friends, and in that world you don’t owe anyone information about whether you prefer men or not. Speculators could speculate because he is not married and 44, but imagine how they would frame those speculations if there were no ‘closet’ for Laws to be hiding in or not. It would not be a question of Mr Laws’ ‘sexuality’, but more directly of whether he was in a relationship with James Lundie. Laws could then give a range of answers if questioned. Saying that it’s none of our business clearly won’t do with a public figure and a landlord receiving taxpayers’ money (because that makes it our business: if they are “partners” he would be breaking rules). On the other hand, he could say that they haven’t or maybe don’t want to get to “partnership” stage and are fine with their relationship the way it is. You wouldn’t resign for having a girlfriend who’s just a girlfriend but not a “partner”, and likewise for boyfriends.

I have to stop and do some work now: I know I have left undescribed the transition from closet-culture to “let’s not talk about people’s sex lives unless they want to” culture, but this post has already gotten pretty long. I expect it will or won’t get fleshed out in comments.


[1] henceforth pwamattopots, pwamattopot singular, although even coining this implies that such people are different in some important way from pwamatopoadgs or pwaatb’gs (work these out for yourself) or even people-who-are-more-attracted- girls-but-recognize-that-plenty-of-men-are-better-looking-than-plenty-of-girls and the converse (I just couldn’t intelligibly abbreviate that).

Conservative Party posters of the week 11

Tagged: posters

From the Conservative Party Archive:

Celebration Special!

Boris

Phew!

Potential Solutions to the Voting Incompetence of the British Electorate

Tagged: election 2010, electoral reform, hung parliament, just for fun, secession

Disclaimer: this post does not represent the views of the Conservative Party, CUCA or the poster.

This morning, the British people failed to return the Pro-court/Tory/Conservative Party to their proper place running the (de facto) Queen’s parliament. Many different kinds of electoral reform have been mooted as a solution to supposed problems with the current system. I suggest that most of these are inadequate because they have misidentified the problems, citing spurious priorities for our democracy such as ‘representing the will of the people’ or ‘preventing minority parties from being properly represented’. Really the only problem is that of Labour’s inbuilt advantage – that is, that the Conservative Party did not get an absolute majority. Below I have suggested some solutions to prevent this ridiculous state of affairs from occuring ever again.

1) Ban Trade Union funding.

Ashcroft’s millions are a trifle compared to Unite’s (and, I am told, compared to his donations to other charities). Without funding from trade unions, the Labour Party would be hamstrung in its ability to campaign in marginals. As soon as possible, we need to cook up some plausible reasons why union funding should be illegal (as of writing I have not heard of any convincing ones) and whip a ban through the Commons with the help of other non-union-funded parties. This solution is, of course, imperfect: at some future stage ways to bankrupt other parties may need to be found if constituency boundaries give them an advantage that is too tricky for the Conservative Party’s campaign funds to surmount.

2) Create a ‘black-op’ Corruption Squad.

Independents, Liberal Democrats and minority parties (UKIP boo!) find it too easy to capitalise on voter dissatisfaction with ‘sleaze’ because they have never been in Parliament and are not implicated in past corruption (or, in most cases if we are honest, mere unpleasant veniality: the expenses ‘scandal’ hardly had any incidences of actual foul play). One long term solution to this is to have a special team of extra-Party hacks (think tanks, journalists, choice lobby groups) to target ‘anti-politician’ politicians both before and immediately after their election and invite them to lots of juicy parties, dinners and conferences to rust their shining suits of armour until their protests of integrity and financial perspicuity become empty words. Ideally, pampering such candidates and MPs would actually change their characters so that they would become genuinely corrupt, make genuine mistakes and lose their moral high ground. Meanwhile, the Conservative Party must of course become and remain squeaky clean: the flip-side of this policy will have to be some sort of purge of nasty Thatcherite New Statesman types from the ranks of CF and CA leaderships and their replacement with fresh-faced Disraelians who go to church/synagogue and have smiling nuclear families or steady girl/boyfriends.

3) Re-draw boundaries on a by-square-kilometre basis.

Instead of constituencies being based on population and attempting to keep track of population changes (which seems to have manifestly failed as people continually de-urbanise into Tory areas, increasing how many votes we need to win) establish a constituency boundary system based on physical size. Suddenly those inner-city ‘rotten boroughs’ would be swamped by leafy suburbs – or else lots of country Tory domains would be multiplied in their seat-value.

4) Limit the Franchise.

Naturally, suggesting property as a qualification would be too difficult as there will be complaints of ‘regression’. I’m also pretty sceptical of having an educational qualification to vote, since I’m pretty sure the right answers on the exam paper would end up as ‘vote for whichever Party wrote the test’, to more or less subtle degrees. This is a tricky one: possibly it should be based on credit rating, which seems a sensible way of ensuring some degree of economic responsibility without requiring a special course of political and economic indoctrination education. The problem with credit rating is that the only way for young people to have one is to own a credit card, which is in itself evidence of poor financial management skills as far as I’m concerned – but perhaps raising the age of the franchise would be a beneficial outcome. An alternative limitation would be that in order to vote you have to have one or more children and a successful marriage (you lose the vote if you get divorced) to demonstrate your stake in the country’s long term future and your ability to put relationships with others first. I think we would need a few more decades of aggressive faith school expansion before that is a possibility, however.

5) Secede from the Union. 

To start with, we could try persuading party donors to fund the SNP on the sly through the establishment of Scottish subsidiaries of their businesses linked as tenuously to their holding companies as possible. Ultimately, we should be looking for independence from Wales as well: with enough time a similar strategy could be implemented with Plaid Cymru when they have taken inspiration from Scottish independence. The ideal solution, of course, would be a complete secession of Greater London and the Home Counties from the United Kingdom (we could call it Anglia or Albony or something). Imagine what a delightful place that would be. The makeup of Parliament would revert to mercantilist Whigs and landowner Tories, but I don’t expect there would be much controversy since the city boys would want to make sure their weekend get-aways were preserved and the Tories would have lots of investment in financial services and would want to make sure they were getting a decent return. There would be absolutely buckets of money to spend on tax cuts, public services and high wages for the poorest (i.e. cleaners, baristas, and farm labourers). You would of course have to pay to get a work permit or citizenship, so that Anglia didn’t end up with tens of millions of people crammed into the East End.

I am welcome to more suggestions – I expect you’ll all have excellent ideas. Nothing too sensible please.

Conservative Party posters of the week 10

Tagged: posters

From the Conservative Party Archive:

Election Day!

Cheer up

David Cameron

Boris wants you

Get out there and vote Conservative!

The Overton Window – Breaking the Socialist Consensus

Someone has to say it. The UK is now a Socialist country. Government accounts for about half of GDP, and too much of the rest is subject to petty regulation and the diktat of Westminster. I’m presuming that most of the readers of this blog agree that this is a bad thing.

The Problem – The Socialist Consensus

There is a theory called the “Overton Window”, named after Joseph Overton of the Mackinac Center, a US think tank. It is described in some detail here. Briefly, the idea is that one starts with an unthinkable and extreme policy, and thus the battlefield of is moved towards it. Thus, one might start by saying that the NHS should be abolished, and when outrage predictably occurs, people will be glad when one “concedes” some ground and settle for significant reform.

The problem with the Conservatives in recent years is that we have failed to take control of the debate. Cameron is a prime example of this – rather than trying to frame the debate, he has simply accepted that he must move towards Labour lest he be seen as too radical. Labour have won the election even if they lose – they have moved the Conservatives towards a Big Government consensus.

So, What Do We Do?

It is difficult to break a consensus. We have got to the stage where massive deficits, punitive taxes and a huge bureaucratic burden are the new normal. The Fabians have succeeded in moving the Overton Window towards socialism to the extent that people believe that any new enterprise requires government support (the idea of a “Green economy” is typical of this).

What we must do to move the debate onto our terms is to offer a fundamental discussion about political philosophy – we must ask whether a man in a concrete office knows what we want better than we ourselves do. Once we establish an ideology, we start a grand national conversation about what the State should do. We emphasise that there is no sacred cow immune from slaughter. We force every government programme, every Quango, every bureaucracy to justify its existence. To achieve political viability, of course, we make compromises. But the fundamental question is no longer whether something should be abolished, but whether it should continue to exist. It sounds like a linguistic nicety, but we cannot build an electorate willing to vote Tory without changing the way they think about us.

I doubt that Mr. Cameron will take this advice, but I emphasise it again. If elected, the Conservatives’ Emergency Budget should be an audit of everything Government spends money on. Ask not whether something should be cut, rather whether it should be spent. Frame the debate. Move the Overton Window. Show the country a real Conservative vision for Britain. The socialist past is only a burden if we allow it to be so.

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